Library Collections: Document: Full Text


The Origin And Nature Of Our Institutional Models

From: Changing Patterns in Residential Services for the Mentally Retarded
Creator: Wolf Wolfensberger (author)
Date: January 10, 1969
Publisher: President's Committee on Mental Retardation, Washington, D.C.
Source: Available at selected libraries

Previous Page   Next Page   All Pages 


Page 19:

204  

Others were more candid and advocated enlargement as a means of reducing cost, and during the pity period, the first arguments for the need of inexpensive care were heard. Wilbur had warned in 1880: "It will be readily seen that the cost of maintenance in such an establishment is a more important one than in the case of the educational institutions" (as quoted by Kerlin, 1885, p. 161). In about 1887, an act was passed in Pennsylvania which raised the number of state-supported residents from 400 to 500 while reducing the permissible per capita expenditure from $200 to $175 (Kerlin, 1888). "We have proved too, that in large institutions we can give employment to those adult imbeciles who are beyond what we call the 'school age' ... As superintendents of institutions we are working out new methods in management, in economy and education . . ." (Knight, 1895, p. 561).

205  

Rogers, in 1888 (p. 106), took one last look over his shoulders, as he and the field plunged ahead: "... to those who fear the growth of large and unwieldly institutions we only say that matters of that kind must be settled by the communities which are responsible for them. If this danger appears, stop the growth and build another institution, but do not warp the usefulness of any by a narrow comprehension of its functions."

206  

By 1893, Fernald (p. 215) had observed a phenomenon familiar to us all: "Successive legislatures have been ready to enlarge existing institutions when they would not grant appropriations for establishing new ones." Thus, institutions changed from small intimate homes, for children counted in the dozens, to huge facilities for thousands of residents, and in 1893, Fernald could already refer to institutions as " . . . these immense households" (1893, p. 218).

207  

3. Initially, as a constructive substitute for educational activities, increasing emphasis was placed on the retardate's working. Purportedly, the work was "... not for the value of the work itself, but for its value to the child" (Kerlin, 1885, p. 162). "The work-shop where several such industries are carried on provides occupation and relief from the depressing ennui of idleness, and at the same time fosters physical development and intellectual growth" (quoted from a Massachusetts report by Kerlin, 1885, p. 159). "With their daily tasks, their feeble minds directed, the time taken up in work or exercise, their days are spent in safety, pleasantness, and peace" (First Annual Report of the Trustees of the New York State Custodial Asylum for Feebleminded Women, as quoted by Kerlin, 1886, p. 290), "... the farm thus serving to provide healthful and attractive occupation for the stronger members of the institution . . ." (Reports from States, 1896, p. 37).

208  

As usual, however, noble sentiments gave way to utilitarian practices and the economic value of work to the institution began to be stressed: "... the trained capacities of the stronger shall be made available for the aid of the weaker and for the diminution of public charge" (Kerlin, 1886, p. 269).

209  

The economic emphasis, in the rural America of about 1880, implied adoption of agricultural pursuits, which, in turn, required land. The trend toward farming combined with the desire to protect the retardate resulted in locating institutions in isolated rural areas. For instance, establishment of the first farm colony (the "Howe Farm") in Massachusetts in 1881 (Kerlin, 1885; Fernald, 1902) became the occasion for moving residents from the institution in the heart of Boston out into the country, and to the periphery of society. Kansas opened its first state institution in 1881 near Lawrence, seat of the University, and Leavenworth, one of the important crossroads of the West. Three years later, the institution was moved far away onto a farm near Winfield (Kerlin, 1885, p. 169; Status of the Work, 1886, p. 451) because the land had been donated and to deal a blow to the University.

210  

While we generally approve of an emphasis on work, we will see later in this essay the vicious turn this work emphasis took, and how so-called "institutional work peonage" (Bartlett, 1964; 1967) developed as residents became indispensable to the functioning of the institution.

211  

Vail (1966) has classified the pity attitude as a special and subtle type of dehumanization. This may have been very insightful, since once the developmental attitude changed to pity, pity lasted only about 10-20 years, and was followed by a long period of brutalization. In our society, pity is usually extended to a person who is perceived as suffering. However, much of suffering, as we conceptualize it, implies that the sufferer should receive some kind of help, which may consume the time, money, emotional involvement or efforts of others." Suffering, by its very nature, thus makes a demand on a conscience developed in the Judeo-Christian tradition. This demand, in turn, may create resentment, especially if the sufferer does not "get well," and resentment may lead to brutalization. The fact that one of the most influential social organizations between 1874 and 1917 was the National Conference on Charities and Correction is of relevance, as it shows that the bestowers of pity and the controllers of menace had great commonalities.

Previous Page   Next Page

Pages:  1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9  10  11  12  13  14  15  16  17  18  19  20  21  22  23  24  25  26  27  28  29  30  31  32  33  34  35  36  37  38  39  40  41  42  43  44  45  46  47  48    All Pages