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It is no coincidence that the pity model shares features with the subhuman model: it has many similarities to Vail's (1966) definition of the "man-as-trivium" (i.e., a human being who is not taken seriously or given importance) mode of dehumanization.

The Retardate as a Burden of Charity. A person with a strongly moralistic conscience but with little genuine humanism is apt to perceive the retardate as an object of a sour charity. This attitude can best be stereotyped as being that of the Victorian age toward orphans. In colonial America, handicaps were looked upon as the consequence of a stern providence meting out judgment for wickedness. Thus, a natural response to deformity and misfortune might be contempt more than sympathy, and whatever help was rendered was "cold charity" (Deutsch, 1949). The historical roots of state institutions were consistent with this view, since these institutions evolved, in part, from charitable homes for "paupers," orphans, vagrants, etc., (Bartlett, 1967). Even the first institutions for the retarded emphasized admission of children whose parents were unable to provide for their support (see Journal of Insanity. 1852, p. 29).

The sour humanist may look upon a retarded resident as a kept object of (public) charity. Charity clients are seen as entitled to food and shelter, but not to anything interpretable as luxuries, frills, and extras. A residence based on this model will be austere and lacking in privacy, individuality, and opportunities to have personal possessions. The resident is expected to be grateful, and to work as much as possible for his "keep." An example of a Victorian "burden of charity" view is found in the following quotation taken from the Massachusetts report at the 1890 National Conference on Charities and Correction: "As to the State schools, it recognizes the value only of such teaching, mental or manual, as shall develop the boy or girl and tend toward a honest and respectable life outside the institution." "It disapproves of extravagant or luxurious appointments in institutions, as foreign to the spirit of true charity. The inevitable weakening of character by life in institutions, the arrest of development, must be prevented, if possible, by some hardships and privations, such as these boys and girls would be sure to encounter in their own homes or those to which they would be sent" (Reports from States, 1890, p. 329).

Again, much of the physical environment implied by this model will be similar to that of the subhuman model; however, there are certain differentiating architectural and program implications. In a residence built on the charity model, there will be little emphasis upon segregation of retardates from the rest of society. There will be a grim and unimaginative emphasis upon eventual self-sufficiency, and while there will be little stress upon environmental enrichment as a means of fostering development, education and training in the traditional handcrafts are likely to be strongly valued.

The Retardate as a Holy Innocent. Retardates, and possibly persons with other handicaps as well, have occasionally been perceived as the special children of God. As such, they are usually seen as incapable of committing evil voluntarily, and consequently may be considered to be living saints. It may also be believed that they have been sent by God for some special purpose.

The role of the retardate as a holy or eternal innocent has been recognized in a number of cultures and eras. This role perception was reportedly prevalent among the American Indians, and in medieval Europe. The concept of "L'enfant du Bon Dieu" embodies this image.

The holy innocent role has probably had a stronger influence on residential care thinking than is realized -- albeit in a subtle way. The holy innocent was generally considered to be harmless, or was indulged much like a child. His presence may even have been valued, as it made the beholder feel a bit closer to heaven and to God. Thus, this role perception tended to inhibit the development of specially designated residential facilities, as the innocent were gladly accepted and integrated into the family and the heart of the community. A contemporary example is the Hutterite communities in the United States, studied by Baton and Well (1955). In these communities, not one retardate had been institutionalized; instead retardates were accepted and integrated into the community life.

While the holy innocent perception inhibited the development of special residential placement, it did not prevent it altogether. If residential placement was achieved, however, it tended to be of a very special kind. It might involve placement of the retarded in a childlike role in a godly home; as menial workers in religious communities such as monasteries; or as workers in nursing homes or hospitals run by religious orders. One variant of this practice exists in the Belgian town of Geel, where, for centuries, thousands of the mentally handicapped have been boarded in an atmosphere of sheltered benevolence in ordinary homes and have the liberty of the city. The presence of a religious shrine to St. Dymphna -- long believed to be the patron saint of the mentally afflicted -- gave rise to this practice.