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"I have a message from the Governor to meet Mrs. Packard at his office, at once."

He accompanied me back to the Governor's office, where the Governor explained why he had summoned him, and then referred him to me to explain the object as I had to him, and suggested at the same time the propriety of having several others to meet in his office at three o'clock in the afternoon, and there consult upon what would be considered the best course to be pursued to bring about the desired result.

When we met at the hour appointed, the Governor ordered all present to leave the office until we had arranged matters to our mutual satisfaction.

This delegation invited me to bring the subject before the members in the library room, at seven o'clock, the following Friday evening.

Printed posters were put up around the State-House, independent of any knowledge or agency of my own, notifying the Legislature of this appointment and inviting their attendance.

The Governor kindly offered me his office as a place where I could meet the members at any future time.

I wrote out my argument and read it to a very respectable number of members at the time appointed.

After expressing their views of the importance of the subject they advised, that I meet the Judiciary Committee and confer with them.

This Committee approved of the object and advised that I draft a bill to meet the case, and meet them again to test its merits.

Senator Ward, of Chicago, very kindly drafted the bill for me, which he said was incomplete, but might serve as a basis for action. After hearing it read, the Committee asked if it suited me. I told them:

"Gentlemen, it does not -- it is incomplete."

"What change do you wish made?"

"It needs a penalty attached, for as it now stands 'tis merely legislative advice."

They then added a penalty of fine and imprisonment for admitting a patient into the asylum without a jury trial.

"Is there anything now wanting?"

"There is no time appointed for the trial of the inmates of the asylum."

They specified sixty days from the passage of the bill.

"Is there anything more?"

"There is no tribunal before whom they shall be tried."

"The State's Attorney should fill this place."

"Is there anything more?"

"No, Gentlemen, the bill suits me now."

"Then we will recommend its passage as it is."

This was the courteous manner in which this cause of woman was treated by this honorable body.

And here it is due the cause of "Woman's Rights" that I should just express the sentiment into which this gentlemanly conduct educated me -- viz.: That it is the honest intention of the Legislation of the present day to protect the rights of woman as well as their own rights. And it is not the fault of these law-makers that they find so many relics of barbarism to be repealed by legislation, in order to restore to married woman the legal identity which the old common law denies her.

It does not seem that woman need become a legislator in order that suitable and just laws be made for her protection; for man, being the natural protector of woman, furnishes a principle in his nature to appeal to, in behalf of "Woman's Rights," which is not found in woman.

And for this reason, if I had a good cause to defend in behalf of woman, I should feel more assurance of success in presenting these claims to a man legislature than to a woman legislature

Woman was made to be protected by man.

Therefore it would seem that the order society has already established, in making man the legislator and executor of the laws, harmonizes with nature, as God has made it.

All that seems to be needed, is an appeal to the intelligence of our present law makers, by convincing arguments, showing wherein her wrongs consist, and her rights are invaded, in order to secure protection for her in her sphere, as a woman, not as a man.

Again, the Government ought to be a power that can defend itself and others also. But woman can do neither. Therefore is she incapacitated by nature to be, herself, the Government, while man is thus capacitated.

Again, at first view, it would seem, that women who hold property ought to have a voice in relation to the taxes imposed upon it. But here injustice is by no means the certain or inevitable result, since, in most cases, woman being the minority property holder, man votes upon her no taxes which his own property is not bound for, so that he is no more unjust to her, than he is to himself in this respect.

If our present system is in harmony with nature, it is better to sustain and perpetuate it, rather than to try to supplant it by one in conflict with nature, for this attempt must, ere long, prove fruitless, as nature is destined to be the final conqueror in all cases.

And should this "Woman's Rights "movement prevail so far as to secure for women the ballot, together with its responsibilities, it is my opinion, that the practical workings of this system would prove to be a detriment not only to woman's own interests, but also that of society at large.