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"Mrs. Packard, you have given the true view of law throughout the whole civilized world. On the common law basis married woman is legally a slave."

And another eminent lawyer in that city also said to me:

"There is not a lawyer in Connecticut who could have given so correct an elucidation of the law as you have done."

But I regret to add, that the subsequent action of this committee demonstrated the fact that their silence did not indicate consent in this matter, for the petition was adversely reported upon.

Mr. Wait, the worthy chairman of the committee, stated that:

"They had listened to Mrs. Packard's eloquent appeal and though they could not grant her petition, yet they deeply sympathized with her and her cause. They deemed it inexpedient to make such radical changes at the present time, but in the revision of the statutes soon to be made, this petition they hoped would be embraced in those laws. The petitioners were granted leave to withdraw."

I am happy to add that the subsequent action of the Connecticut Legislature has in part verified the wish expressed by the worthy chairman.

From a letter I have recently received from Mr. Francis Fellowes, of Hartford, in reply to my own, wherein I asked him for information upon this subject, I have reason to believe that Connecticut is not now an exception to her sister States in her modification of the common law for married woman's benefit.

The leaven of truth has at last penetrated the conservative element of Connecticut statesmen, and they also are verging towards that not far distant period, as we hope, when not only the married women of Connecticut but of all the States of this Union shall have legally granted to them the same protection in government which the enlightened public sentiment of the present age grants her in her social position in society

CHAPTER XLI.
The Opposition of the Conspiracy.

The history of my Connecticut campaign would be incomplete did I fail to notice the opposition the conspiracy sent into the field as a terrible antagonist for me to encounter. Although it had been my constant aim to prosecute this work with as little notoriety as possible, yet, it seemed the enemy kept track of my movements, and in the most unexpected and unguarded moment made an attack upon me through the columns of the New Haven Journal, who sold them the right to publish a column of the most cruel and vile slanders against my moral character, which it would seem possible for the combined ability of Mr. Packard and Dr. McFarland to manufacture against me.

So notoriously cruel and false were the insinuations there cast upon my stainless character and reputation, that an eminent Judge, then acting as an attorney at law, seriously advised me to enter a prosecution, at once, against Dr. McFarland for defamation, and to bring in my damages at not less than one hundred thousand dollars, adding:

"And you will get it! and I should like to act as your attorney in this prosecution."

So far as I was concerned in this matter, as an individual, it mattered little to me, knowing that false accusation cannot in the end harm my character or reputation, still, for the cause I represented, I did feel deeply hurt to have this avalanche of scandal descend upon this community, whose entire confidence it seemed to have hitherto secured, just at that most important crisis, when the committee were about to take action upon this subject.

I know not what influence this scandalous article had upon their decision, yet, I do know, from their own confession, that some of my warmest friends were taken aback by it, and for time held their favorable judgment of me and my work in abeyance. Yet in a short time the reaction came, and their confidence and sympathy became more than ever a source of gratification and solace to my wounded feelings.

But before this point was attained the evil was done by the committee reporting adversely upon my petition.

One man very graphically and truthfully described the influence of this article to be like that experienced when the cry of "Gunpowder!" is uttered to a crowd in a tone of warning to escape danger. The crowd would instinctively fall back and scatter under the influence of this panic even without stopping to inquire whether the alarm is a false or real one; and if it really was merely a fictitious alarm, it would necessarily take a little time to rally after such a panic, even when it was proved to be a false alarm.

So the legislature acting under the influence of this panic, perhaps, acted differently from what they might have acted, had they waited for an investigation, or had acted before this panic and independent of it.

Taking this view of the case, I felt it to be one of the severest strokes I had ever received from this cruel conspiracy, and I felt like saying:

"Could you not have so planned your plot as to have wreaked your venomous spirit upon me alone, without endangering or jeopardizing my precious cause also?"