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CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN MEXICO.

The recent establishment of a monarchy in Mexico, is an event which should awaken serious attention to the dangers thereby threatening free institutions on this continent. That this should be permitted without a protest, and even something more, from the United States, is not to be supposed possible. Every consideration due to the principles of free government for which we have so long and unflinchingly battled, requires that a most earnest and speedy effort should be made to check the growth of any form of government which is not in entire harmony and political sympathy with our own. The continent of North America seems by Divine appointment destined to be the theatre upon which the experiment of self-government is to be fully worked out. Republican institutions have been so well and successfully tried in the United States, and conterminous nations, and now absorb so large a portion of the whole continent, that it is incumbent on us, as their leading representative, to see that no foreign power interferes with them. We stand, in fact, pledged before the world as the champions of free government, and must make good the expectations entertained of our ability to vindicate this fair title. Not to do so now, and after shedding so much blood in the cause of civil liberty, is to descend to a degree of pusillanimity unworthy of those who have so long stood as the acknowledged defenders of a new political dispensation. On this point, at least, there is such an entire unanimity of sentiment throughout the country as not to require any argument by which to enforce it. The American people can not consent to any division of the continent between political systems so radically antagonistic as monarchy and republicanism. The two, it has been immemorially demonstrated, can not flourish in proximity. Caste-privilege and prerogative on the one hand, and popular rights and representative government on the other, are immiscible elements, particularly on this continent. The former have been tried, fully tried and endured, both among us and in Mexico; and having been condemned by popular sentiment expressing itself through successful revolutions, organized by Christian patriots, the experiment must not again be permitted. The principle of the balance of power recognized by European nations at the treaty of Westphalia, in 1648, by which a system of checks and balances upon changes in the established forms of governments was authorized, should be enforced by us against all attempts to re-establish monarchy on this continent.

It is, perhaps, hardly time yet to speak of Mexico as returned to a permanent form of monarchical government. Political events are of too transitional a character in that country, to make us willing to believe in the permanency of this new thraldom, forced upon her by French bayonets. As soon as the popular mind can make itself heard, and force its way to an active interference in the affairs of the nation, the invading and disrupting element now sitting like an incubus upon the hearts of the people, will be deposed from its usurped seat, and Republicanism rising into rightful power, will re-assume the reins of government. Meanwhile, the question arises whether we should wait for this possible turn of events, or whether, acting upon the dictates of prudence and policy, we should not adopt measures calculated to put an impassable barrier between us, and the farther encroachments of foreign governments. Remembering always that it is France, and not Mexico, which now menaces the integrity of republican institutions on this continent, we shall know all the better how to act in the premises. A military frontier would not only prevent encroachments upon our soil, but give to the Mexican people a rallying point or back-ground of support, from which to begin anew the struggle for political and religious freedom.

In order, therefore, to invite colonization on the frontier, the Government should bestow some additional advantages upon actual settlers, and hold out increased inducements to veteran soldiers to emigrate to this region. As their military qualifications would render them the most useful of colonists there, so every effort should be made to induce as many as possible to join in the undertaking. But, were bounty lands along the border to be subjected to the same rules of possession and occupancy as similar lands elsewhere, there would be danger that, in particular portions of this district, by reason of climate, topography, and character of soil, no emigrants would be found willing to occupy them. This was the case with several of the Roman colonies, planted in distant and inaccessible regions, and for which few voluntary emigrants presented themselves. We have it in our power to remedy this possible evil by a wise and generous legislation -- sacrificing present and established usage for future and increased advantages. Some plan might be devised by which the amount of the bounty-land could be increased per capita wherever six or more married men would actually settle in a group about some military post. The fee absolute of these surplus lands might be made conditional upon a five year's occupancy, during which time the occupant might be relieved from all excise and income tax. A local militia should then be organized among these emigrants, and systems of drill and camp instruction maintained, in order to preserve and perpetuate a proper military spirit. All males between 18 and 55, having the necessary physical capacity, should be enrolled in this organization. It should form a true Sedentary corps, never leaving its own locality, and acting purely on the defensive.