Library Collections: Document: Full Text

Rev. Henry W. Bellows, D.D.,
President U.S. Sanitary Commission.

Dear Sir -- I have the honor to submit the following Report as the result of the investigations undertaken by me, in compliance with the Resolution heretofore adopted by the Executive Committee.

As none know better than themselves the difficulties surrounding this subject, which has so long occupied their attention, so none can better comprehend the delays incidental to a cautious development of those conclusions, to arrive at which has required the wisest counsel, the calmest study, and the most critical sifting of opinions kindly and co-operatively tendered me, by earnest thinkers throughout our country.

I have the honor to be, with great respect.

Very truly yours,
John Ordronaux,
New York, April 6, 1864.

INTRODUCTORY.

The disbanding of a large army, and the return to civil life of thousands of men who have lost the momentum of previous industrial enterprise, and must begin anew the task of settling themselves into spheres of employment, is an event well calculated to awaken the most serious attention of political economists.

A state of war, is always a state of industrial disruption, proportioned to the population from whom an army is recruited. This is more particularly observed, when, from a small peace establishment, an army is suddenly raised to enormous proportions, and a stimulus beyond that afforded by any of the industrial arts is given to persons to join it. Where bounties and wages are offered whose aggregate amount exceeds the annual earnings of ordinary day-laborers, it follows that trade cannot enter into competition with such rivals, and must in consequence suffer the loss of most of that labor which, heretofore, was content to accept its ordinary market remuneration. A population which is large or superfluous -- which is gaining on bread and consuming faster than it produces -- can spare with advantage a portion of its number. Instead of suffering, the industry of the country will gain thereby; and in proportion as social plethora is relieved, will eleemosynary burthens diminish. But when, in order to preserve a foothold in distant parts, large bodies must be detached as corps of observation and occupation, while the mobile force in the field is daily requiring fresh levies to maintain its numerical effective at a maximum standard -- when a nation is thus required to supply this double draft upon its population, the necessary withdrawal of so many laborers from the various channels of industry, can but produce a shock to the social fabric, and interrupt the previous relations of capital to labor. In a state of peace, and with ordinary prosperity, these relations are disposed to be mutually compensative; the fluctuations, whenever occurring, being generally favorable to labor, on the well-founded experience that material prosperity is always measured by the demand for labor, and that, consequently, the greater the variety of channels through which employment can be obtained, the larger will be the dispersion of wages and comforts throughout a nation.

But interruptions of trade, when merely temporary in character, do not necessarily entail permanent loss upon the productive industry of a country. The activity of the human mind and the spur of necessity soon drive men into new spheres of occupation; and that which formerly was considered an integral art, unsusceptible of sub-division, is suddenly seen to give birth to many collateral and subsidiary branches, precisely as, in the human frame, nature provides against accidents to the great channels of circulation, by furnishing it with collateral and compensatory currents.

The close of a war must, therefore, find many arts almost suspended, and capital turned into, comparatively speaking, only a few channels. While fortunes have rolled in upon those to whose doors these channels more immediately led, inactivity of business -- suspension of enterprise -- and losses from unemployed capital, have necessarily fallen upon the larger portion of the mercantile community. Society may then be considered as deprived of that cohesive force which springs from the mutual inter-dependence of varied occupations. The larger capitalists absorbing the few remaining arts, the small dealers have been driven from the field of competition, and, compelled to remain inactive, until new and multifarious enterprises, born of renewed confidence, again authorize the employment of moderate capital. In this state of things, the disbanding of a large army, and the return of so many unemployed persons to the ranks of civil life, all anxious for occupation, all needing support, must, for a while, at least, greatly convulse the channels of trade. The first necessary consequence of a glut of labor is a fall in its value, which, if not immediately accompanied by a corresponding decline in the price of provisions, produces destitution among that large class of artizans who ever live from hand to mouth, and depend upon their daily earnings for their daily bread. Ere the currents of trade once more resume their wonted flow, and the old order of things becomes re-established, our eleemosynary institutions and private charities will be drawn down to their lowest ebb, in order to meet the crying wants of this ever needy class. To create new institutions of this kind, for the purpose of answering a temporary call, because overwhelming, would only tend to increase pauperism by increasing its respectability, and shielding it behind the sanctions of legislative recognition. (1) Therefore, to check, and to diminish unnecessary pauperism, we must, as much as possible, deny it a legal status. We must treat it as an exception, and not as the rule of life, which, once adopted, can be followed to the end. And while it is both necessary and humane to have pauper-houses, they should, like hospitals, contain no fixed population, but discharge as soon as relieved every one who is able to earn his own living. As a general rule, human pride repudiates the condition of a beneficiary for life, and all look forward to that golden future, teeming with promised acquisitions, in which each shall be independent and self-supporting. It is the duty of governments, therefore, by wise legislation, to foster such sentiments; it is the duty of society at large, by the persistent influences of voice and example, to constitute itself the missionary of this idea. For, when this shall be done, and men everywhere be taught the essential dignity of independence, society will have erected the strongest barriers, not only against destitution and misery, but also against idleness, profligacy and crime. Pauperism and crime are ever in close relationship to each other; and so often in the direct line of cause and effect, that a prevention of the former largely operates as an extinguisher of the latter. The "dangerous class" in any community is almost exclusively recruited from among the unemployed poor.

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Now, with us, the time can not be far distant when our best efforts in this behalf will be needed, and all our energies be called upon to grapple with some such many-sided problem as this. What is to be done, not only with the disbanded, but particularly with the invalid and disabled soldiers created by the war? For if it be wise and expedient to consider, in the manner in which we have been pointing out, the effects upon the labor-market of disbanding a large army, and the material consequences resulting from the sudden influx of hosts of laborers into a field where little demand exists for their services, or where the supply, from its suddenness and magnitude, will immediately out-run the demand, and continue to do so for a long while to come; if it be a wise fore-casting on the part of political economists to consider and prepare for the advent of this large class into the social hive, how much wiser and more humane is it not, to consider the peculiar position of those among that class, who, by the accidents and vicissitudes of war, have paid the tribute of patriotism on battle-fields -- have lost limbs and health, and thus rendered it certain that they must fall behind their fellows in the competitive race for bread, self-support and honest independence. It is for these maimed and mutilated martyrs of the war that our tenderest sympathies should be kindled. It is in their behalf that public opinion, anticipating legislation, should interest itself in some plan of permanent and ennobling relief, and our best efforts be directed towards keeping them from falling by the way-side, sad -- weary -- unsuccessful -- and neglected -- or drifting into large pauper retreats, where the edge of ambition is dulled, and the heart crushed into apathy by the consciousness of dependence and helplessness. Whatever may be said of poverty as a moral discipline or a stimulus to effort, it is very certain that its effects in the aggregate, and upon masses of individuals, are pernicious and demoralizing. Adversity may soften the hearts of a few, but upon most its effects are directly opposite. Whether this arises from envy or comparison with the more fortunate around, it cannot be disputed that poverty, recognizing itself as incurable, destroys ambition, self-respect, and virtue, and sinks its victim into a condition, born partly of temperament, and partly of education and surrounding circumstances, but always degrading to his self-respect. The strong become desperate, and disturbers of social order -- the weak fall into secret vice, and low, dishonest practices, or sink at once into dull apathy and indifference to their position. Our penal and eleemosynary institutions present all those classes to view, and afford a good theatre upon which to study the various forms of moral and physical degeneration. It is, therefore, the duty of society to guard itself against all increase of pauperism, by stamping it with deformity, and stimulating men to make every possible effort and sacrifice in order to avoid falling into this dependent class.

But to a man deprived of limbs or health, and whose condition disables him from competing in the labor-market with the healthy, no reproach should be attached for being a pauper. Even if he would work, he cannot. And his very condition precludes him from offering his services, or being sought for as a laborer. He becomes, then, the worthiest object, not of charity, in its ordinary sense, but of a just reward due him for sacrificing, in behalf of his country, those advantages which he formerly possessed in common with other men. We would not call him an object of charity, so much as a creditor of society for a permanent benefit conferred upon it; and it is the duty of the community so benefitted, while recognizing the claim, to do justice as well to itself as to him. If he be a man, and can work, he will neither ask nor expect to be supported in idleness. If he be indolent and unthrifty, it is the duty of society not to encourage this disposition by entirely supporting him, but giving him only so much as will insure his daily bread, leaving his other wants to be provided for by his own efforts. In this way he is saved the danger of falling into entire apathy or indifference as to his own position, and becoming a legalized, non-producing beneficiary.

It is too much to expect, however, that all invalids will be able to work even to a limited extent. Many will be in such conditions of permanent disability as to preclude all possibility of their laboring. Those having lost an eye or limb, although most sensibly deformed or mutilated, are by no means the most disabled or least competent to work. There are gradations in physical disability, as all most be ready to admit. Of these degrees and their effects the surgeon only is the competent judge. But, as a general rule, it may be said that, except in the case of special arts requiring manual skill, constitutional or diathetic diseases are a more formidable obstacle to physical ability, and a more prolific source of invalidism than simple mutilation. For these broken down and sickly men hospitals and retreats will be needed. The victims of phthisis, chronic rheumatism, paludal intoxication in its multiple forms, paralysis, the sequences of typhoid, etc., etc., will eke out their few remaining years totally unable to perform any systematic labor. For four or five years after the war, hospitals for this class will still be necessary, and the charities of the humane and Christianly-minded will be taxed to provide additional alleviation to their declining days. It is idle to devise any form of employment for these men. They can accept none, because of their entire unfitness to labor. With them vegetative life is alone possible. The many rootlets by which, through health and activity, they have been inwoven into the fabric of society, are wilting and dying daily. Beneath the lean, cold hand of disease their physical powers are melting away. They are passing to the grave surely -- irrevocably -- and the duty we owe them is to make that passage as smooth and comfortable as possible, so that the gratitude and tenderest regard of the nation may cast a halo of sympathy about the couch of its dying heroes. But there will be a larger class than these -- whose number in fact none can yet conjecture, -- and which, though less prostrated by disease, and not quite cut off from all ability to labor, will necessarily be entitled to more or less public assistance. These men will equally deserve the designation of invalids; for, admitting even varying degrees in their infirmities, none among them will be possessed of health. Able to work only a few hours a day -- possibly only a few hours a week -- alternating between long periods of enforced inactivity and short moments of physical ability -- unable to undertake indiscriminate labors, and restricted to employments of an indoor, sedentary, and special character -- these are the men for whom we shall be compelled to provide means and methods of industrial activity suited to their individual powers. Their numbers promising to be extensive, all idea of disposing of them by any single plan, such as creating large, industrial institutions, or colonizing them in one locality, becomes preposterous and mischievous. To do this would convert them at once into an exceptional class -- an ever present cause of apprehension in any community. For, as a general rule, exceptional classes are not to be encouraged. They form an anomalous feature in society, and present dangerous examples to others. Nevertheless, it is true that, in this instance, the qualifications of public service, and the physical suffering entailed by it, would purge the class of invalids of the worst features of exceptionalism. Still, as a principle, the doctrine of large associations of this kind should not be fostered. It is bad on many accounts; bad because it segregates men from the contact, and influence, and control of public sentiment -- bad because it collects them in masses, having no diversified motives to inspire or direct their activities -- and bad because the prevailing sentiment of such a community (the sentiment of exceptionalism) becomes intensified by the numbers representing it. A man who has become one of such a community, and thoroughly imbued himself with its public feeling, can scarcely be expected ever to make a contented citizen elsewhere. On this account, therefore, the interests both of the country, as well as of the invalids themselves, and of their posterity, demand that they should be disposed of in some other and more practically beneficial way. They were component parts of our communities before they entered the public service -- they should resume those places and be redistributed throughout them on retiring from it. This is the opinion which reason, humanity and morality alike conspire to arrive at, and to prove whose soundness very little argument need be adduced. The experience of mankind in all ages has established it; and since society is ever self-renewing, that opinion must be as well suited to present as to past times.

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In accordance with these views, which have met the approval of many leading minds the country through, as being eminently practical and suggestive, the Sanitary Commission, long exercised for the future of our disabled soldiers, has undertaken to crystallize into forms of possible application the following plan for their equitable disposition. This plan is, as yet, but a framework, about which it is hoped that both public sentiment and legislation will unite to form a complete and all sufficient edifice. As now developed it is purely tentative, and in that sense incomplete. It is, in fact, only rudimentary. There are, and will be found, doubtless, many objections to it, and, perhaps, none could be presented that would exactly meet the views of all. Those, at least, who have read the very admirable reports of Mr. Stephen II. Perkins, on the European Pension Systems and Invalid Hospitals, (San. Comm., Doc. No. 67,) cannot have failed to perceive, nor refuse to admit, that there is nothing in those wise and, doubtless, well considered systems, which can be adopted here without thorough and radical alteration. They are designed to meet the wants of a different people from our own; are based upon a much lower scale of habitual personal expenditure; are conceived in a spirit of predominant caste privilege, and bear none of that impress of sympathy with the masses, which should be the over-shadowing element in the legislation of all Republican forms of government. We have, therefore, no precedents to guide us in elaborating this vast and multiform problem; no experience of the past to draw light from, or teach us the mode of its easiest and cheapest solution. It is a question which goes down to the very foundations of political economy -- addresses itself to that sense of justice and humanity which should govern the conduct of men in their civil as well as their social relations, and which, lastly, should be envisaged under a large and comprehensive estimate of our present wants, our possible capacities, our undeveloped resources, and that still expanding future which hangs, like an unfulfilled prophecy, over our country.

Learning mainly what to avoid in the legislation of other countries, we must begin a new order of things here, trusting to our young and expansive civilization, to the plastic character of our municipal institutions, and to the easy adaptation of the American mind to all new and possible exigencies for a practical experiment and realization of this great undertaking. The present is only a tentative effort to fathom that which has never before been fathomed in our country. It is a bold proposition in political economy, complex, it is true, in the elements from which it is framed, yet susceptible, it is believed, of great simplification in its practical applications. This might not be true everywhere, it might not even be true elsewhere; but the greater average intelligence with which common schools have ennobled the public mind of our country, and the greater intellectual activity developed and kept alive by the ceaseless attritions of the press, lead us to believe in the possibility of entirely developing and satisfactorily operating the ultimate conclusions which legislation shall arrive at, from the few desultory suggestions and glimmerings of remotely shadowed truths which are hereinafter enumerated.

PROPOSITION FIRST.

Every measure tending to fuse Invalids into a class with particular privileges or immunities, should be discountenanced. Nor should any such accumulations of them he encouraged in any locality, as would render them independent of public opinion, or segregate them from, friends or kindred.

Whatever may be the sense of gratitude experienced towards those who have risked life and health in defence of their country's honor, it is still to be remembered that, as citizens, they have burthens to bear, as well as privileges to enjoy, in common with all the rest. (2) These burthens are the true incentives to patriotism, for, in proportion as a man's interests are those of his country, will he exert himself to maintain both its social and moral character. To classify men arbitrarily, and to annex to them as part of such distinction any particular privileges or immunities, is to destroy the growth and the moral influence of the individual in the community. He becomes one only of a class with which he is completely incorporated; and as his daily bread depends upon his remaining in it, he loses all stimulus to individuality of exertion and self-independence, and thus is degraded by the very power which bestows upon him its benefactions. Exceptional classes are always in fact undesirable ones. They are anomalous features in social organization, having no points of resemblance to the elements about them. Even if they do not actively disturb the latter, they at least influence them negatively, and so silently undermine the framework into which they are introduced. The predominant characteristics of men are also intensified by the multiplication of those to whom any special traits of character belong, and as virtues are not the fruits most sedulously cultivated by masses, it is plain that their tendencies lie in an opposite direction. To meet and militate against this hereditary disposition in human nature, we must strenuously discourage the formation of large, exceptional communities. With the experience of ages and the records of history to support our conclusions, we should indeed be blind to the teachings of the world's life, did we seek any other form of social aggregation, than that which recognizes the family and its fireside as the corner-stone of the fabric. Yet, in the present instance, the family, or oikos, is not to be understood literally, or as confined to those exclusively related by consanguinity, but in a larger sense, of that patriarchal family, which, without always representing numbers, yet made those numbers small enough to be easily governed by one mind.

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While, therefore, it is unquestionably both proper and humane that invalids should be maintained at public expense in asylums, when without homes, or disabled from earning their own living, it is for the interest of all that those institutions should be as few in number as possible, so that whenever an individual can support himself out of one, he should be induced to do so, on the principle of cultivating self-respect and personal independence. Their doors should be opened only to the absolutely dependent, confirmed and incurable invalids. All others, who can do better, should be encouraged to attempt a higher and more useful sphere. In order to secure this, however, public opinion must be educated into the realization of its importance, and the necessity of adopting measures which shall combine to impart both a practical and economic, as well as a humane solution to this problem. When this end shall have been secured, the details will follow according as practical experiment shall develope them.

PROPOSITION SECOND.

As far possible, invalids should be restored to their original homes and the communities to which they belong should absorb by assigning to them, by conventional agreement, the lighter occupations; and no provision separating them from their families, or diminishing their domestic responsibilities, should be encouraged. For, wherever invalids have homes, public opinion should be directed to these as the best places for them; the object always being to keep them from ultimately drifting into town or county pauper asylums.

Home is generally the best hospital, even as repose is often the best remedy. Experience also shows that men will endure greater privations and discomforts, without murmuring, in their own homes, than the most trifling ones in public institutions. For, although they may be beneficiaries, the sense of gratitude towards the power which provides for them, never so abundantly, is not sufficient to overcome the feeling of restraint, which required obedience to the rules of an establishment generally occasions in its inmates. These retreats, however well situated, and with whatever advantages of locality and adornment supplied, are yet dull and heart-crushing to most persons, in whom the idea of residence is, in some degree, associated with compulsion. The regulations relating to hours -- to roll-call -- to permissions of absence and to penalties for infractions of rules -- become irksome and intolerable, and men are ready to put up with anything at home, rather than be prisoners of state in a palace. This is human nature, and exemplifies itself in all public institutions, the world over. Since the increase in the scale of pensions in France, following upon the Crimean and Italian wars, young men can scarcely be induced to enter the Invalides. They prefer, with the modicum allowed them (365 francs per annum), to live at home and pursue whatever avocations they can. Their sense of personal independence is thus cherished and kept intact. They feel that they are producers and not consumers merely, and instead of being burthens upon the State, are contributing something to its productive industry and wealth. This sentiment, the best incentive to effort and acquisition, although founded to some degree upon pride, is yet deserving of cultivation, and should be fostered in all communities as among the virtuous springs to action by which men are stimulated. For, after all, man is only so far a man as he is identified actively with the movement of his race; and while drones and laggards may wear the outward form of manhood, it is very certain that they belong only to its lowest expression.

If such be the experience of the old countries of Europe, how much more will it not prove so in our own, where the expansive character of our civilization, and the multitudinous channels opened to talents of all grades, enable every man to find some occupation suited to his abilities. Except those completely blind, or who have lost both arms, no man among us need starve for want of something to do. The list of occupations cited hereafter, will exhibit the variety of callings which can still be pursued by one-legged, one-armed, or partially infirm men. Of course there will be many whose condition of oscillation, between intermissions and recurrences of chronic disease, is such that no steady work can be performed by them. But even these need not necessarily be housed in hospitals. They can pursue, at home, many minor occupations, such as tending stores, toll-gates and bridges, or acting as flag-men, starters, etc., on railways, or make themselves useful as janitors of public buildings; in fact, doing anything which does not require constant or protracted muscular effort, and in which, too, their families can assist them more or less. All the lighter trades may be included in this category, as well as those duties of superintendence requiring intelligence and skill rather than manual labor.

It is not difficult to conceive that, in this way, a very large number of disabled soldiers can find occupation, and be furnished the means of earning a respectable livelihood. It is only necessary to have them classified according to ability, and to enroll them descriptively in some central bureau (see Propos. 8th) where employers can come and select them according to the kind of labor they wish performed, in order to place their talents at once in the market and secure them their full value. Nothing would be more creditable to the humanity of our civilization than to assist, by some method of rational distribution, founded upon both mental and physical ability, these war-worn veterans in supporting themselves with dignity and manly independence. But in order to do this, they should be assisted only up to the joint necessary to obtain an opportunity to labor. Beyond this, any adventitious aid would only clog ambition and deaden industry. They need help to secure a foothold in the great field of occupation, to enable them to obtain places of employment, and after that, they may be trusted to labor for themselves -- the true manhood showing itself, if ever, in the desire to toil for independence rather than to accept a living however legalized by enactment.

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But next to the absorption of invalids into their original homes and places of residence, is the duty devolving upon communities to provide them with means of steady and continuous employment. Admitting at the outset the chronic and permanent character of their disability, the obligation to aid them in earning their livelihood is co-existent with life. Wherever, therefore, places originally obtained by them are relinquished or lost, either through increasing infirmity, or the expiration of the term of service for which they were employed, it is incumbent upon society to see that new avenues are opened to them. Their claims for employment (qualification and good moral character being always assured), should be treated as preferred ones before the tribunal of public opinion. In other words, they are the wards of the community, and must never be cast off, so long as their own acts do not compel a forfeiture of this beneficent relation. The reason of this is obvious from the status assigned them. They are the adopted children of the State -- mutilated and invalided in her defence, and it is for her, in their weakness and decrepitude, to insure them as a reward, and not as a compensation, the vantage-ground of her assistance in earning a living. For awhile, indeed, after the war, as at present during the living realization of the great debate of battle, there will be a hue of romance thrown over benefactions to invalid soldiers. Unorganized and immethodical efforts will, for some time to come, continue to lavish means in answer to calls of this kind. While such movements are fashionable, they will be popular, and in that sense may be trusted for supplying all immediate wants. But mingling with this thought is the sad reflection that the interest of many givers, and they perhaps the largest, will too often be limited to the actual contribution, and cease with it, looking no higher nor beyond that which satisfies the pride of one's social position. Plainly, this is not the kind of assistance to be relied upon through the long years that are before us. It lacks the qualities of regularity of system, and finds no fitting place in the political economy of a State.

In truth, political economy as the expression of a system of checks and balances, regulating the relations of capital to labor, is essentially material and un-emotional in its dealings with mankind. It has no equitable side, in the legal sense of that term, and makes no provision for those whom fraud or accident have deprived of equal advantages with their fellow-men. In the operations of the labor-market, the law regulating supply, as contra-distinguished from demand, is always in favor of physical ability. Hence the weaker workman must yield to the stronger in obtaining opportunities of employment. The hirer, on his part, naturully (sic) seeks the largest return in manual power or skill, for the wages offered by him. It is not his policy, whatever, his humanity, to employ invalids as against strong and healthy men. Even if he could obtain the services of the former at a reduced rate, it would not be expedient to undertake any enterprise with them requiring continuous labor. Time being an essential element in all contracts for personal services, no man would select from preference, invalids, predisposed from their very physical condition to interruptions of health, to perform any work whose period of accomplishment was prescribed within fixed limits. Stone-masons, brick-layers, carpenters, joiners, painters, etc., etc., would not stand much chance of employment, if their engagements to do a certain piece of work were always qualified by a proviso relating to their infirmity. The danger of fresh outbreaks of disease would deter employers from retaining the services of those who might, at any moment, cause a serious interruption to their business, and the possible forfeiture of a contract.

This is undoubtedly the practical, brick and mortar side of the problem, but precisely because it is so, and the one to which all employers first look, must we face it with boldness. It must be admitted, as all will agree, that where two men equally skilled to perform a given labor present themselves before an employer, the one an invalid, the other a sound, healthy man, the invalid will stand no chance as against his rival. This may not be humane, but it is certainly human, and as dealings between men on the great stage of life are regulated more by figures than by feelings, we must not expect to find any very strong accentuations of humanity in their commercial relations. Do ut des and facio ut facias is the rubric which governs the intercourse of the market-place. The basis of its transactions is a purely legal one. It recognizes nothing more strongly than the right to expect as much in return for wages as the laborer can give. Hence the invalid, always representing the minus side of the services which the market proffers, cannot, in justice, expect to compete with his sound and able-bodied rival, who represents the plus side of the same problem. His condition is, therefore, one of permanent inferiority, and he must submit, not only to accept inferior wages, but even to wait wearily for employment until the list of better-conditioned men is first disposed of. In order to meet and overcome the sad results of this inevitable law of demand and supply, communities must either create new channels of employment, or else they must provide invalids with the advantage of a preferred claim to certain places and kinds of occupation, of which none can dispossess them.

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Fortunately, however, it is not necessary to create new channels of employment, or greatly to disrupt old ones, in order to secure to invalids permanent spheres of occupation. Let public sentiment be so educated as to surrender the lighter occupations into the hands of disabled soldiers by common consent, and the object so much desired will at once find its realization. Let it be settled that the well-qualified invalid has a right to these employments -- that it is dishonorable in a sound man to compete with him for their possession, and the disparity in manual strength ceases to have any weight. While economy suffers in nothing from such an arrangement, humanity is satisfied, justice vindicated, and personal independence provided for in one who, otherwise, might be doomed to irretrievable idleness and misfortune, from his continued inability to obtain employment.

This course of conduct on the part of communities would render legislative interference unnecessary. Indeed, it might be a serious question whether any legislature would have a right to interfere with the question, except so far as prescribing the qualifications of public officers. Certainly it could not go beyond this, and decree that civil employments of a particular nature should exclusively belong to invalids. A principal of interference of this kind, carried to such an extreme, would militate against the plainest sanctions of personal right. It should not, therefore, be undertaken. Far wiser and better is it, then, to educate the public heart by convincing appeals to its humanity, into a recognized form of consuetudinary law on this subject -- a law which, without having the positive, institutional character of an enactment, should yet bear with an obligation equally binding upon all; and to disobey which should be considered something more than a violation of social ethics and conventional usage, and occasion to the offender a punishment more lasting than legal penalties, in the contempt and scorn of the community. It is true, doubtless, that there are men who would not be moved, even by considerations appealing either to their humanity or self-respect, into compliance with such a custom, but their number would always be too small to cast any influence on the community at large.

Experience everywhere showing that public opinion is the most powerful lever in society, it only becomes necessary to possess ourselves of this all-controlling instrument in order to turn the current of social sentiment in any direction. And, as all reforms grow popular and reputable in proportion to their magnitude and the numbers beneficially influenced by them, so would it be with this movement. Let public meetings be held, at first, in villages, to consider and act upon this suggestion. Let a certain class of employers, for example, organize themselves as an association willing to hire invalids by preference. Let the initiative be taken on any scale, however small. City, railroad and other corporations can also find employment for hundreds of disabled soldiers, and patronage can thus be made to flow in upon them from individuals to corporations. Example being contagious, as soon as the plan is found to work well in a small community, we may be sure it will be tried in a larger one, thus passing from village to city -- to county and to state.

Let us suppose, again, that the trial is made with one calling first, so as not suddenly to disrupt the established order of things. The experiment can be made with any subordinate office that may be selected. Thus, a doorkeeper or messenger is wanted. It is agreed that an invalid, otherwise meritorious and competent, shall have it. One is accordingly selected, the vacancy filled, and the precedent established. So long as there are invalids to be found in that locality, let it be understood that they are to have a preferred claim to the succession. Meanwhile, and as other vacancies occur in offices whose duties can be discharged by one-armed, one-legged, or infirm men, let the precedent be extended. By these means, in the course of a few years, every useful invalid can be provided for, and when so established, becomes a productive agent in the industrial economy of the State, instead of a mere drone and consumer. Of course it should be understood that the tenure of office is for life, and during good behavior, particularly where the disability is of a permanent and incurable kind. And, as public sympathy would naturally be first enlisted in favor of this class, there is little room to doubt that they would receive the earliest benefactions that were to be bestowed.

The following list of light trades suited to invalids will show how wide is the field of industrial activity still open to them:

Brush and broom-making.
Button-making.
Cameo-cutting.
Carvers.
Caterers.
Cigar-making.
Collectors.
Copyists.
Cork-cutters.
Bottlers.
Daguerreotypists.
Engravers.
Barbers.
Music dealers.
Postmen.
Hatters.
Musicians.
Jewelers.
Lithographers.
Match-makers.
Newspaper venders.
Oyster stands.
Shipkeepers.
Car drivers.
Pilots on ferry boats.
Accountants.
Plaster-image makers.
Seed stores.
Pocketbook makers.
Bread and cake stores.
Confectionery.
Soda fountains.
Stationers.
Surveyors of work.
Gangers.
Tailors.
Teachers.
Tea dealers.
Telegraph operators, clerks, messengers, etc.
Thread and needle stores.
Umbrellas and parasols.
Whip makers.
Willow workers.
Paper box makers.
Writing masters.
Printing.
Tobacconists.
Toll gatherers.
Ticket masters.
Switchmen.
Watchmen.
Window-shade makers.
Wire workers.
Wooden ware.
Worsted patterns.
Shoemaking.
Bookbinding.
Weaving.

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Occupations possible to one-armed men:

Overseers.
Messengers.
Small parcel carriers.
Tally-men.
Inspectors of all kinds.
Watchmen.
Bell-ringers.
Collectors.
Assessors.
Tax gatherers.
Doorkeepers.
Ushers.
Pound-keepers.
Waiters.

We know of the case of a man having but one arm, and that the left who cuts wood, plants and digs potatoes, husks corn, drives oxen, and sometimes holds the plough!

PROPOSITION THIRD.

National Military Homes or Asylums should be created, which should he semi-industrial; on entering them the Invalid should relinquish his pension, if a private soldier; or if an officer, then so much of it as would be an equivalent for his board.

There will always be found among invalids a large class of men who have no homes of their own to which they can repair; or else, although possessed of a home among relatives, are yet in that condition of disability which renders it necessary that they should have constant personal attendance, -- thus, either making great demands upon the already occupied time of others, or requiring the employment of an attendant and an additional expenditure for his salary. In order to meet the wants of this class, National Military Homes or Asylums should be created. But the number of these should be as small as is compatible with due regard to the wants of this class, and none should be admitted into them except such as can prove either,

1st. That they have no homes of their own, or,

2d, That their home, if any, is with relatives, unable to support or supply them with such care as their condition requires. (3)

These homes or asylums should not, however, be allowed to tempt men into entering them, by holding out any expectations of idleness and absence of occupation. Mankind, whenever left free to choose, are, under all circumstances, disposed to indolence rather than industry, and more particularly so, when, their daily bread being secured to them, no special or higher ambition stimulates to effort. The tendency in such cases, and with the mass of men, is to sink at once into sloth, and to surrender themselves up to habits of idleness and personal indifference to the future. To such men, in fact, there is no future. To-day is their all in all. Feeling that the State has adopted them for life, they too often allow ambition and self-respect to decline, the moment the necessity to earn their daily bread is removed. The Soldier's Home, at Washington, is a very striking illustration of this melancholy truth. In the report on this establishment, hereunto appended, it is said that "the surgeon considers that the present regulations, or others more stringent still, should be strictly insisted on, in order to keep the establishment in proper order. Men with nothing to do are restive under prohibitory laws, and will disregard them. This is true of the superannuated, as well as the youthful. The difference between them on the score of insubordination is one of degree and not of kind."

In order to guard against the results of this form of human weakness, these Military Homes or Asylums should be semi-industrial; that is to say, that wherever a man can work, he should be made to work up to a certain age, and in accordance with his ability, the medical officer of the asylum being the judge of the number of hours each inmate should be employed daily. By these means much of the discontent and restlessness which ever attend upon inactivity would be avoided; men stimulated by the atmosphere of industry about them would cultivate habits of frugality -- of order and of self-respect, and would learn precisely what army life unteaches them, individuality and independence. The consciousness of earning something -- of having a little purse of their own, due solely to their individual efforts, and over which government had no control, would operate as a spur to enterprise, and an invitation to economy. For, the value of money is truly understood by those alone who have made strenuous efforts for its acquisition.

As to the character of the labor to be performed, each man should be allowed his choice, where nothing special forbids it, and every effort should be made to stimulate industry by giving to the laborer a tithe of the productive result of his industry. In this way every one knowing himself to be a participant in the gains of the establishment would be stimulated to increased efforts, and the apparent hardship of the enforced toil would be done away with. The labor, also, would be stripped of its resemblance to convict labor, by the fact of the share allowed each one in the nett gains. No excuse would be afforded them, therefore, for refusing to work cheerfully and with a good will. Having a joint interest with the government in the productive industry of the asylum, they would constantly strive to increase its annual profits by elevating the quality of the labor performed, so that in time, from the humblest and coarsest artizanship, they would pass to its highest and most complex manifestations. And it is not saying too much to venture the assertion that invalids might in time come to earn at least twice the original amount of their pension.

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ESTIMATES OF PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY.

It is extremely difficult to form any estimates of the possible productive industry of Military Asylums. At best these estimates can only be conjectural, and having no data upon which to proceed, we shall be compelled to draw light from such sources of information as present the most commendable features for analogy.

We may safely venture the assertion at the outset, that labor performed by invalids can not be made as remunerative to government as convict labor is to a State. Bearing in mind always the difference between the two classes of institutions, and the higher aim embodied in the Invalid Home, it will be seen at a glance that every advantage in a monetary point of view is decidedly in favor of penal institutions. On one side is enforced labor, on the other quasi-enforced labor, but always graduated in tenderness to the ability of the workman, and in that sense largely purged of the character of constraint, the laborer having also a share in the profits to operate as an incentive to industry.

In State Prisons, the services of convicts are let to contractors, who pay a per-diem for each laborer hired. Thus in Massachusetts, in 1859, 332 convicts were employed, and yielded by their services to the State, as follows:

Thus averaging for each man employed a gain of $175 34 per annum. The average number of inmates of the institution was, for the whole year, 510; the expenditures for the same time, $87,821 88. Besides the above sum of $58,217 07, the labor department was credited, from various sources, with the further sum of $11,478 57, making, in all, $69,695 64. This, deducted from the expenditures, left $9,173 97 as the deficit of the year. But during the next year (1860), the expenditures fell to $80,243 11, while the receipts rose to $80,747 97, an excess of $504 86. Had all the inmates of this institution labored during the year 1859, and earned the same average amount as did the 332, then, instead of $69,695 64, the amount would have been $89,423 40 -- an excess of $1,601 52.

It would, of course, be erroneous to suppose that any parallel course could be followed in a military asylum, or any parallel gains derived from the labors of its inmates. The relation of the government to invalid soldiers is so entirely dissimilar, as to forbid any direct attempt at imitation. The difference and the advantage on the score of profit are all on the side of penal institutions, which, as the foregoing estimates show, may be made entirely self-supporting. Such a degree of prosperity could hardly be expected to occur in an eleemosynary institution, the majority of whose inmates, being sick and disabled men, could, as a class, perform but a slight amount of labor, and that possibly only at irregular intervals. Yet something could be done, however small, and that amount might be turned to profit by the Government, in such a way, as to re-imburse itself partially. How this labor is to be regulated, and to what purposes subsidized, is a question of internal administration, which need not here be enlarged upon. It is sufficient to say that there might be attached to each asylum one or more Government workshops, in which every workingman should receive a certain per diem as wages. In these establishments, work suited to the strength of invalids might be carried on, and much now purchased from individuals be directly manufactured by the Government. Clothing of all kinds for the army and navy; shoes, saddlery, equipments, repair of arms, etc. -- all these necessities of an army might be met and provided for in this way. The men, according to physical ability, might work and be paid either by the hour, day, or piece. Not feeling the risk of competition, yet assured of fair wages, they would labor of their own accord and without compulsion; and what was originally a rule in the establishment, would pass into such a custom, that it would be felt a degradation not to work, in all who were capable.

As to the tariff of wages, it could not reasonably be expected to be high. If, at the Massachusetts State Prison, contractors can afford to give only from forty to sixty cents per day for healthy men working ten hours, it should not be expected that the Government placing itself in the position of a manufacturer, could give its invalid workmen such wages as these. At the Soldier's Home in Washington, twenty cents a day are given for work done on the farm. Probably in workshops from twenty to forty cents a day might be given, or possibly more. But whatever the amount, it should never be looked at nor measured by the standard of out-door market prices. It is an act of kindness on the part of Government to give employment to those whom it is already supporting. Therefore, however slight the gains it enables them to make, the benefaction embodied in its course of dealing should silence discontent and criticism.

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It might, perhaps, be judicious to adopt the plan of working by the piece or job, rather than any fixed number of hours, since this would throw upon the invalid himself the risk of the fatigue involved in the effort to labor. He could work as little or as long as he pleased, knowing that his wages would vary accordingly, and whatever he did, he would know best his ability to continue doing. While the rules of the Home would enjoin labor upon all who were capable, the spur of wages would greatly increase the number of laborers and the products of their industry. The apparent hardship of being made to work, would thus in a great measure be done away with. Employment brought directly to the hands of all willing and capable workmen would place the Government in the light of a double benefactor, and secure the best foundation for a thrifty administration of its charities. Leaving the length of daily toil to be regulated by the stimulus of wages as well as by sheer physical capacity, there could be little doubt that it would reach a much larger extension in its results, than if compulsion alone and not wages entered into the incentives to industry. Humanity and economy would both be represented in this plan of action, and as all competent and industrious invalids would find in it a sphere for independent acquisition, so all would be interested in the successful working of the plan. The object ever to be kept in view, would be that of raising the invalid in his own estimation, by proving to him that despite his infirmities and his inability to cope with the healthy in the open labor-market, he is still, by the just and humane provisions of Government, rendered a productive agent in society, useful to his fellowmen, and largely, if not completely, self-sustaining.

Officers, of whatever grade, entering Asylums, should be assigned to positions of command corresponding to their abilities. They might render themselves extremely useful in positions requiring intelligence and administrative talent. As superintendents of workshops -- paymasters -- accountants, and the like, there would be a wide field opened for their talents; while in the military government of the institution, they could be assigned important and honorable positions. Nothing lowering the grade of their position should be tolerated, for many of them would be brought in contact with old companions in arms, whom formerly they had commanded, and it would be wrong and unjust, not to say impolitic, to make the honorable misfortune of invalidism a reason for lowering them relatively in the eyes of their subalterns. Let the dignity of their rank and its prerogatives cling to them still. They have done their duty; won the approbation of their country, and deserve her tenderest regard in all things appertaining to those professional honors for which they have risked health and life. Let not, therefore, a single breath of indignity tarnish their fair escutcheon. Palmam qui meruit, ferat.

RELINQUISHMENT OF PENSION.

It follows almost as a corollary from the foregoing propositions, that, when an Invalid enters such a Home or Asylum, he should, if a private, relinquish his Pension. But if a commissioned officer, then only so much of it as would constitute a fair equivalent for his board.

The present tariff of pensions, as declared by the Act of July 14, 1862, 1, is as follows:

The Pension of all officers above the grade of 1st Lieutenant, being sufficient to support them with economy outside of Asylums, it is not likely that many of that class would be found in them. Still, entrance being optional, some, particularly in old age, would be very happy to find a refuge within their walls. At the Invalides, in 1862, there were one Major and fifteen Captains, besides all inferior grades of officers. It is not unlikely that officers of similar rank in our service, may occasionally avail themselves of the advantages presented by these Homes.

So far as relates to the relinquishment of the Pension on the part of privates, it seems but an act of justice and fair compensation towards the Government. No one will pretend that a man can support himself in idleness upon $8 a month. His board alone is worth more than that, computing it even by the army ration table of 30 cents a day. Add lodging, clothing, fuel, and washing to this, and the amount would speedily reach $2 per week more. These estimates are intended to apply to individuals living apart in civil life. When large numbers of men, however, are fed together and lodged together, the pro rata of each, for cost of living, becomes proportionally lessened, as all know. The cost of maintaining the Invalides, in France, is about 2fr. 50c. per head a day, or 50 cents of our money. We could not improve much upon it, although there is this to be observed in relation to the Invalides, viz: that the establishment is not more than half full, and the addition of other inmates would only increase the provision bill, but not that for the maintenance of the large administrative staff of the Hospital. Hence, increasing the number of inmates would but slightly, if at all, increase the cost per man for the whole institution.

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Assuming, therefore, that a man cannot support himself in idleness upon $8 per month, even to the extent of buying only his food and lodging, the Government in undertaking to furnish him with both these necessaries, asks but little in return, in demanding that he shall relinquish his pension. As to clothing, those invalids who cannot work, should have it supplied to them; those who can work should be compelled to supply themselves, being allowed, for that purpose, to purchase it at cost from the Government, or anywhere else they may please.

WHAT IS THE BEST SIZE FOR ASYLUMS?

The experience of all nations shows that in Invalid Hospitals extremes of size are to be avoided, in an economical point of view. This implies also that a very large number should not be congregated within them. They should, in fact, and for the most part, be considered as temporary establishments, which the lapse of the next thirty years will render unnecessary as a class, dwindling them down to a few leading ones in the more populous districts. For, unless war has become the normal condition of a nation, and it is perpetually recruiting the ranks of its invalid soldiers, the number of these must be constantly on the decrease. The laws of vital exhaustion operate upon them with much more intensity than upon the healthy. Their powers of recuperation have been well nigh exhausted in bringing and keeping them up to the point of imperfect convalescence to which they have attained. With youth on their side, and while still in the ascending scale of life, they may continue apparently in equilibrio for some years, but as age creeps on, constitutional exhaustion will show itself more and more rapidly, in a lessened ability to recover from slight attacks of disease, so that far in anticipation of the natural period, and the natural progress of climacteric decline, invalids will be continually succumbing to the latent influences of their past, disabling diseases.

So far as they are concerned, and looking to the ulterior probabilities of being able gradually to diminish the number of these institutions, five hundred would seem as many as should be provided for in any asylum. One building, with two wings, combining simplicity of style with sufficiency of accommodation, could be constructed at no great expenditure. These buildings, when become useless as Invalid Hospitals, could easily be rendered subservient to other public purposes, while, if the numbers in any one of them became so small as to render its further maintenance unadvisable, they could be transferred to other homes, and these latter added to and enlarged to meet the existing necessities.

Indeed, it is worthy of consideration whether, on the score of economy, there should not be established in every State of the Union, one or two parent or central Homes, with branches, termed Lodges; one, for example, for each three congressional districts, which could, from time to time, as the number of their inmates became reduced below the average justifying the further maintenance of the institution specially for them, discharge its invalids into the parent Homes, thus, by consolidating the benefaction, rendering it more economical in proportion as the circle of its operations is narrowed. The Invalides, in Paris, is becoming yearly more costly, because the size of the establishment, whatever the number of its inmates, requires a fixed category of persons for its administrative staff. Originally constructed to contain four thousand inmates, it now contains but two -- yet the staff cannot be diminished -- and the interest on the funded capital, together with annual repairs, is rendering the institution one of the most extravagant of charities. It costs now some fr. 2.75 a day for each inmate, and this cost will continue to increase rapidly, and just in proportion as the number of inmates diminishes. This, it strikes us, is about as good a commentary upon the inexpediency of building over-large asylums as can well be adduced. And we should prove ourselves poor students of history, and sadly illogical economists, did we not profit by this experience of the statesmen of other countries.

In every State, therefore, which has furnished men for the war, and according to its population, there should be erected one or more parent Homes. The size of these, to meet the future necessities before alluded to, should be sufficient to accommodate five hundred invalids. Or, should such an establishment not be deemed desirable in every State, then, and for each three Congressional Districts, there should be a Government Lodge erected, having attached to it a farm, on which invalids might labor, being, of course, paid therefor, as at the Soldiers' Home in Washington. What the size of these lodges should be, will have to be determined by the necessities of particular localities. Some States will have more invalids than others, and so with Congressional Districts. One fact must be borne in mind in constructing these lodges, and that is, that we are providing, at the outset, for the maximum number of inmates which they will be called upon to contain. For ever after, that number will continue to diminish, and by keeping this consideration before our eyes, we shall not be likely to greatly err in forming estimates of the needed size of the establishment, nor the details of its interior management.

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GOVERNMENT OF MILITARY HOMES.

It would seem only reasonable that the government of Military Asylums should partake in some degree of the original profession of their inmates. As far as possible, it should keep alive the spirit of subordination and discipline inculcated in the army. For this purpose, invalids should wear a distinctive uniform, perform light duties, such as guard-mounting, and undergo a daily inspection of persons and quarters, sufficient to maintain an efficient police of the establishment.

The staff might consist, in the largest-sized Asylums, of

A Brigadier-General, as Commandant and General Superintendent;

One Colonel, as Lieut. Commandant, Quartermaster and Superintendent of the Finances of the Institution;

One Lieut. Colonel, as Commissary and Superintendent of the Internal Administration;

One Major, as Military Commandant and Superintendent of Police;

One Surgeon;

One Assistant-Surgeon;

One Apothecary.

At the Lodges, a smaller staff, similarly modeled, might also be created.

SOURCES OF SUPPORT.

But a graver question than all arises in relation to the sources whence the support of these Military Asylums or Lodges should emanate. Admitting at the outset that, as National Military Homes, they should be erected by Federal authority, and the expenses defrayed out of the National Treasury, it will readily occur to all that a certain number of them will be required in almost every State of the Union, in order to provide for those of its inhabitants who have become disabled in the public service. Their very locality (4) and their necessitated appropriation to the uses of disabled soldiers from that particular State, would convert them, in a certain sense, into State institutions. If each State is thus provided for, the soldiers originally enlisting there, will, when invalided, expect, and with justice, to find a support and a home in their own State. This is a very natural desire, and in obedience to that instinct of locality which seeks a home somewhere, and attaches mankind to the place where they have spent much of their time, particularly in youth. It is a desire, therefore, which should be not only respected, but encouraged and cultivated, as a means for bringing men within reach of original home influences, thus rendering them more willing to work, on account of being under the observation of those whose respect they may be presumed anxious to preserve. And, in return, it should be considered a great privilege to be supported at public cost in one's own State, instead of being sent among strange faces, and in a strange locality, to eke out life in some large retreat made intensely dull by its distance from, and inaccessibility to, friends and relatives. The possible influences of home-sickness must not be overlooked in regulating these matters, for experience shows that men convalesce much quicker at their homes than in hospitals -- the very idea of going home acting as a mental stimulus of the most salutary character. But men not only convalesce more rapidly at home, but are better contented when placed where they can often see and come in contact with their friends. They feel themselves to be within immediate reach of their sympathy, and are satisfied that their interference is ever ready for the purpose of correcting any neglect on the part of the government toward its invalid dependents.

Supposing, therefore, the Government to have provided invalids with permanent homes in their own States, a most serious problem now presents itself in respect to its future conduct towards them, viz:

Whether it is expedient that the government and support of the institution should remain in the hands of the Federal authority, or whether it should pass into the hands of the State authorities?

This portion of our proposition being likely to give rise to much discussion and diversity of opinion, we design to examine at some length the arguments which have already been aduced on either side of the question. In doing this, we shall endeavor to avoid throwing any weight into the scales, or committing ourselves to one opinion or the other. Believing in the expediency of some general system of Asylums, calculated upon the basis of the greatest good to the greatest number, we do not feel called upon to advocate specially, the details flowing out of the operations of such a system. These, we are inclined to think, will regulate themselves in compliance with that law of public opinion, which inevitably re-asserts its authority, however often deposed, through all the important transactions of society. Legislation in advance of it will ever be crude and nugatory -- legislation in arrear of it will ever be weak and unsatisfactory. The golden mean will be found in the thread of the current itself, and where a mingling of all the waters expresses the resultant of their common force.

Those who believe in the expediency of delegating to the States the maintenance of their own invalid citizens, and they constitute a majority of the minds with which we have had the pleasure and enjoyed the benefit of conferring, argue as follows, viz: --

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1st. That the law of opinion as already exhibited through the action of several State Legislatures, has, to a certain extent, pronounced itself in favor of surrendering to the individual States the maintenance and supervision of their own invalid citizens. Wherever such a disposition exists, it would be difficult, if not impossible, to combat it, because, however generously the Federal Government might act in the foundation of eleemosynary institutions, it could not prevent the States from doing as much, or more, for their own citizens, at the same time, through special legislative enactments. In the matter of charitable foundations no monopoly or prescriptive right attaches itself to sovereignty as its exclusive prerogative, and private citizens in their individual capacity -- or acting corporately -- towns, counties, or States in their larger corporate capacity, may all equally engage in dispensing benefactions. In like manner, and wherever several similar sources of benefaction co-exist, nothing restricts beneficiaries from exercising a choice in the premises, and availing themselves of such as are most consonant to their tastes, or best answer their immediate wants.

If the care of these Asylums were wholly surrendered to the States, we should be sure, at the outset, that the comfort and support of these war-worn veterans would be more jealously guarded by their own State, than could be the case were they entrusted to the keeping of the General Government. It would be considered a tribute of justice to the meritorious defenders of their country's honor, and more particularly a manifestation of gratitude towards one's own neighbors, to provide for them in this way. And while there might be some differences of opinion in relation to minor matters, there could and would be none with respect to the general scope of the institution. Local pride, and neighborly feeling, would both conspire to make its support as liberal as possible. Beyond the reach of political influences, it would stand as a landmark, not to be interfered with; and each citizen, whether he had or not relatives within its walls, would feel it his duty to strengthen its claims upon the community. Party considerations would not touch it, because, belonging to the State, its interests would be those of all its inhabitants, just as much so as Public Schools or Lunatic Asylums. Every community would have representatives there; every town and city, and political party, would have contributed to the number of its inmates. In fact, the instinct of local pride -- the memory of the events typified by the invalids themselves -- the historical associations clustering about these institutions, would render them objects of tender regard and earnest solicitude on the part of all citizens. No generosity exercised in their behalf would be considered extravagant -- no benefactions of legislative origin would be criticised which looked to their support. For, not only would feelings of pride and patriotism operate to stimulate public opinion into a recognized obligation to the invalids in these homes, thus rendering the annual provisions for their support a matter as unsusceptible of argument as the payment of the Governor's salary, but behind, and antecedent to all this, the deeper voice of nature and consanguinity would make itself heard and felt, since among invalids would be found friends and relatives of all degrees.

And aside from this, even, nothing of the degrading character of pauperism would attach itself to such a form of public charity, because the objects of it would have become so through causes of an ennobling character, and through services which all would admit the value of, and feel proud to make so just a return for. It would not be difficult to foresee that Soldiers' Homes in every State must be popular institutions, which every element of local pride would tend to foster and develop. They would be indelibly associated with the noblest achievements of our day and generation -- would form temples in which to garner up the living records of a mighty struggle, and where the heroes of the conflict could be honored by a nation's gratitude and tenderest sympathy. Around them would cluster such memories of devotion to the public service as would strip the support of their Homes of all semblance of a burthen upon the generosity of the State. The Soldiers' Home, with its warworn inmates, its museum of trophies, and its legendary storehouse of adventures by "flood and field," would be a shrine for visitors, and the centre of an undying historical interest. All citizens would feel themselves bound to it by ties of the closest kind. All would make it more or less of a personal concern to foster its successful administration, and it would stand in singular contrast to all other institutions, in being kept untainted by political chicanery or interference. But another and a more important consideration would be found in the fact, that the nearer the source of benefaction to the invalids themselves, the more likely would it be to satisfy all. Were it possible always to support them at home, it would be by far the best way; but since this cannot always occur, then we must see that the distance between the benefactor and the beneficiary is as small as possible. Home is the best purveyor of all -- next to it the town -- next the county -- next the State -- and last, the General Government.

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2d. That after the rebellion shall be quelled, and the authority of the Federal Government re-established, it must follow that Asylums will be needed in all of the Border States. These States have contributed men as well to crush, as to help the rebellion. By strict right, Union soldiers, alone, should be admitted into Asylums; but where society is entirely revolutionized, disorganized, in fact, in its municipal relations, as it now is throughout the South, it will be impossible to avoid extending help to the maimed and suffering rebel soldiers who, after the war, will unquestionably resume their allegiance, and become entitled to the protection of the United States as citizens. We do not exclude wounded enemies from our hospitals, but nurse and tend them, side by side with our own men, until they recover. The Government has even had to go farther. Since the fall of Vicksburg, it has issued rations to thousands of poor people whose previous position had been one of hostility towards it, yet who could not be left to starve. These rations belonged to the army; they were paid for by the loyal people, and intended to feed those who were periling their lives to re-assert the authority of our Government.

After the war, the Border as well as the other Southern States will be overrun with the maimed, and crippled remnants of the rebel army. What shall be done with them? Humanity will not pause to inquire which side they fought on. If they are too sick or maimed to work, and are in danger of starving, they must be fed. By whom? The Government. Is this just? Abstractly speaking, Yes; because they are its citizens. But relatively, and as regards their personal claim, No. The burthen of their support should devolve upon the State which sent them forth, and if the Government builds the Asylum, it does all that it should, since the citizens of the loyal States, whose money has enabled it to bestow this benefaction, should not be taxed to support for life those, whose only claim upon them is the misfortune of having failed to destroy that Government, from which they are now compelled to ask a support. Therefore, and in an economical point of view, the States, as States, should be not only allowed but required to maintain the Asylums created in their midst by the Government, on the principle that this would be a just distribution of the burthens of the war, instead of fastening them perpetually upon the people of the loyal States.

The objections urged against this plan, are, that the annual appropriations for the support of Military Asylums would not be as reliable, if left to State Legislatures, as to Congress, and some Western States are cited in illustration, in one of which in particular, an omission to provide the annual appropriation for a State Lunatic Asylum, rendered it necessary to close the institution and to scatter its pauper inmates.

Granting this to have happened once, and in one State, or even that it will require several years to so reorganize municipal institutions, including pauper asylums, in the South, as to enable sufficient provision to be made for the destitute sick and maimed rebel soldiers -- granting this, it is replied, that such facts should not be received as a valid argument against the system of State support, which is advocated above, because they are in their very nature temporary, and would stimulate efforts to redress the wrong thus committed. For, admitting that any Legislature should again neglect to perform its duty in this particular, or that relating to any similar eleemosynary institution, the Executive could easily enough provide means, through the credit of the State, to support such institution until the next session of that body, and no one will pretend that any Legislature, whose members are elected annually would dare to neglect for a second time its Invalid Asylums. Certainly, if it did, its members might well hesitate to confront their constituents, whose indignation would lead them to administer a rebuke in forms not easily forgotten.

Another objection and flowing out of this, is, that while in some States the annual appropriations would be large, and the inmates of these homes pampered, in others, the appropriation would be barely sufficient to maintain the establishment.

It is urged that were Congress the general almoner for all, this could not happen, since a graduated scale of the necessities of each Asylum, founded upon the number of inmates -- cost of living in that locality, and its productive industry -- would always guide the government in making a just appropriation for all. By these means all Invalids would be equally provided for, in whatever State of the Union dwelling, and there would be no feelings of envy cherished towards those who, under a different dispensation, might be known to be luxuriating in comforts not shared by others.

The answer made to an objection of this kind is, that no restrictions can, or should be put upon the amount which States may choose to appropriate towards the maintenance of their own invalid citizens. This is a matter which, like private charity, concerns the giver alone. If some can afford and choose to give them comforts which others can not, or will not, this is one of those self-regarding acts over which outsiders have no cause to complain. It is not a wrong against either individuals or society; takes nothing from any man, that he possessed before, and is simply doing with one's own, according as fancy dictates and law allows. It may possibly be said that the example would be bad, and tend to dispirit the less-favored Invalids in other States. This might indeed happen, and would, doubtless, were the distinction in comforts to be made by the Government, instead of States; but so far as these are concerned, their method of treating their own Invalids would be considered a matter of home policy and private right, with which no citizens of other States could justly find fault.

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Such are the arguments adduced in behalf of, and against State support of Military Asylums. Both sides press their claims with equal urgency -- both sides equally desire the greatest good to the greatest number. And, while holding ourselves aloof from the expression of any preference, we still feel compelled to say that the majority of those consulted (and they include gentlemen of all shades of political opinion) are agreed, under the aspect of justice to the whole country, in recognizing the superior advantage of State over Federal support for this class of institutions.

But should the government and support of such institutions pass under the control of the several States within whose borders they are situated, it might be advisable that the still national character of the Asylums should be represented through its board of overseers or directors. In every State there might be one Central Board, consisting of the --

Governor, ex-officio,

Attorney-General,

Comptroller,

Chief Justice of its Superior Court,

District Judge of the United States,

Attorney

Sub-Treasurer

Or, there might be a special board appointed, consisting of nonofficial persons, who, without salary or perquisites of any kind attaching themselves to their office, should direct the affairs of the institution. It is too generally found that persons called upon to perform, in addition to regularly appointed official duties, others, virtute officii, are apt to neglect these latter, and to surrender their direction into inferior hands; besides which, it does not follow that, because an individual holds a high official position, he is necessarily qualified to give the best advice in relation to matters of a special character. The wheel of political fortune too often elevates into positions of trust, those whose qualifications least fit them for the discharge of their duties. To ascribe wisdom to such characters, ex officio, is to mistake a mannikin for a man, simply from the incident of resemblance in form. It would be better, on all accounts, therefore, to select a board of directors for these Asylums from among educated, discreet, and honorable laymen, who, serving from choice, and not ex officio, for the honor of the duty instead of the emoluments flowing out of its discharge, would keep the government of the institution free from all imputations of a mercenary character.

ORPHANS OF INVALIDS.

It might be desirable, also, in this connection, to inquire in what way the orphans of soldiers could best be provided for. This class of beneficiaries has too many claims upon our sympathy not to receive an early and earnest attention, and everything should be done to guard them against the misfortunes liable to ensue from the loss of their natural protector. Attached to Military Asylums or Lodges, and forming part of them, there might be homes and schools for children, where they could be cared for during their minority. Like many of the industrial schools already established throughout the country, these institutions might impart instruction, not only in letters, but also in most of the manual arts. Children could thus serve an apprenticeship at a trade, and receive the rudiments of a good, sound education, at the same time. The larger inmates, say after sixteen years of age, should be discharged, as soon as competent to earn their living, in this way steadily diminishing the numbers to be supported. Only the infirm, or idiotic, should remain permanent residents of the Home, it being but just that they should be maintained through life, precisely as their father would have been had he become an inmate of the Asylum. Widows unable to support their children upon the father's pension, should be allowed to place them in the Home on surrendering one-half their pension. Invalid soldiers, inmates of Asylums, who are widowers with children, should, in like manner, be allowed the privilege of placing them in a Home. But if able to earn anything, the invalid should be compelled to pay a minimum price for the support of his children, on the principle that, in supporting him, the State has done her full duty of grateful return for services received. Any invalid at all able to work, could afford to pay from fifty cents a week upwards, for a child's board, and where he had over four to support, no additional charge should be made for any beyond this number. The object in view should be that of keeping alive parental concern for the welfare of offspring, a feeling too apt to become extinguished by removing the burthen and responsibility of their support from off the shoulders of those on whom it should always rest. Indeed, much of the stimulus to labor would be destroyed by withdrawing this incentive, wherever it exists, from invalids. A man who takes no pride in supporting his own children has already lost a large part of his self-respect.

As to the mode of distributing the burthen of supporting Military Asylums among the different counties or towns of a State, this would be a matter for the determination of its own legislature. It would seem just that those towns sending most inmates to the Asylums should contribute most to their support. But whether the tax should be based upon such a foundation as that, or not, is a question of subordinate importance, and not properly to be discussed in this connection.

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MODE OF APPOINTING OFFICERS, AND TENURE OF OFFICE.

These institutions, when passed under the control of the State, should be governed by officers appointed by their Boards of Directors. Under this aspect of things, both the general government and the State might be represented in the appointing power. A two-thirds vote should be necessary for the election of all commissioned officers, who, in turn, could, in like manner, elect their subalterns. The tenure of office should be for life, or during good behavior. No removal should be made but upon good cause, and by the same power that created the officer, sitting as any court with open doors; and the defendant should be allowed time and counsel to prepare his defence. Two-thirds of the court should agree upon the judgment pronounced, which should also be final.

It seems almost superfluous to suggest that invalid officers should have the preference given them in appointments of this kind. Indeed, there is every reason why they alone should be selected to fill such positions. Their familiarity with forms of military administration and discipline, without which such an establishment could not be carried on; their knowledge of the character and tastes of the inmates, many of them having been their old companions in arms -- their official tenure being for life, and thus freed from the effects of political vicissitudes -- all these things would conspire to render them just, humane, and independent administrators of the trust of government reposed in their hands.

TERMS OF ADMISSION.

In order to gain admission into a Military Home, the invalid should present the certificate of an examining Pension Surgeon, setting forth the character of his disability, and its effects upon his ability to earn his living, and to this should be added the affidavits of two respectable and disinterested freeholders residing in the same town with him, and knowing him personally -- setting forth the following facts, viz:

1st. That he has no home, or cannot support himself at his home upon his pension; or,

2d. That he requires the care of an attendant which he cannot afford to supply for himself.

The following condensed reports relating to the history, statistics, and operations of the French Hopital des Invalides and the Prussian Invalid House, at Berlin, will give some general idea of the manner of conducting such institutions in Europe, together with the results obtained from them. It will be found that, wherever well administered, they prove a source of immense benefit, not only to invalid soldiers, but also to the general public, which, otherwise, would constantly be called upon to distribute charity in unmethodical forms to this class of persons. By reducing benefactions to a system, duly regulated and carried on with precision and justice, there is found to be economy in it, and the certainty that few if any unworthy persons will obtain support under this form of dispensation; whereas, when the public undertakes to distribute assistance indiscriminately, it is rarely the case that the unworthy do not come in for a share, and thus diminish that properly belonging to the meritorious. We have among many Asylums selected these two, because the most thoroughly organized and efficiently managed institutions of the kind in Europe; and while we could not, for reasons hereinbefore stated, wish to see their system adopted and imitated among us, without alteration, there is still so much of good in the practical details of these establishments as to render them worthy of close study. And in this connection we have also added some details of the object and purposes accomplished by our own Soldier's Home at Washington.

FRANCE.

France, from the earliest time a warlike nation, has ever exhibited a grateful appreciation of the labors of her military class, and given it preferred claims upon public regard. The common sentiment everywhere recognized, that a country owes to its defenders an honorable support, whenever wounds or disease incurred in the public service unfit them to provide for themselves, has received large attention, and been practically incorporated into French legislation from time immemorial. Charlemagne, remembering like Augustus, the services of his veterans, cast about him for means wherewith to support them at the public cost, and finding wealth nowhere more abundant, or more uselessly employed, than in the monasteries, compelled those institutions to accept his invalid soldiers as beneficiaries, where, under the designation of lay monks, they received an alimentary pension. These persons, afterwards known as oblati, became a recognized class under all succeeding dynasties. They lived in ecclesiastical houses, and performed, in return for their support, such minor offices as bell-ringing, sweeping, etc., etc.

The wise and refined Philip Augustus was the first monarch who bethought himself of collecting the scattered veterans in one national institution. His successors, to a greater or less extent, followed his example, although it was not till the reign of Louis XIV. that anything like a permanent institution was established.

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It is to the munificence of this prince that the Hotel des Invalides owes its origin. By a royal decree of August 15, 1670, he announced the creation of this establishment, whose construction began the succeeding year under Louvois and the celebrated architect Bruant. By referring to the details of its present management, and the statistics furnished by Dr. Faure, Medical Director of the Invalides, we shall see that the institution is becoming annually more and more costly, in proportion as the number of its inmates diminishes. Originally designed for some four thousand inmates, and with a military and civil staff proportioned to this number, the institution is, except in the case of old men incapable of self-support and having no homes of their own, generally avoided by the young and middle-aged whose pensions, under the late increase, enable them to live at home and more independently. Hence the cost per man at the Hotel, is gradually increasing, as the number of inmates diminishes; and for this there can be no help, until, by reason of the paucity of numbers, the invalids are transferred to some smaller and less costly establishment. In no continental nation are pensions more liberal in their extent, and less distinctions of caste made in alloting them, than in France.

The democratic theory, which not only authorizes, but in every way encourages meritorious promotions from the ranks, guides, with true consistency, the legislation of public benefactions. The soldier is not forgotten on the pension-roll, however humble may be his social antecedents, nor is the officer unduly rewarded, because of his rank simply. A single exception to this rule exists in the case of a Field Marshal's salary, which may be increased at the pleasure of the Emperor -- a concession to sovereignty which is evidently a transmitted figment of the Roman law (Quodplacuit principi legis hdbet vigorem).

Aside from this, the pension fund is liberally distributed, and since the Crimean war the pro rata of its distribution has been steadily increasing, so as to enable them to live at home, and follow, by the supplemental aid thus afforded them, different occupations: in a word, to encourage selfsupport, and to discourage resort to national asylums. This is a feature worthy of imitation by all nations.

The foundation of every claim to a pension, made by an officer or soldier, must rest upon the following facts, which are to be proved:

1st. That the wounds, or disease causing disability, are serious and incurable.

2d. That they were incurred in the line of duty.

3d. For an officer -- that they disable him for taking the field, or ever returning to active duty.

4th. for a non-commissioned officer or private -- that they disable him from taking the field or earning his own living.

Per Contra. -- No pension is allowed an officer who, although wounded or invalided for present, is not disabled for future service.

In like manner, no pension is allowed a non-commissioned officer or private who, although wounded or invalided, is not disabled from earning his own living.

Statistical Details of the Hotel des Invalides, furnished by Dr. Faure, Medical Director.

The Hotel des Invalides, since 1848, has ceased to be carried on by private enterprise. It is now directly administered at the expense of the State, by a military superintendent. The governor of the institution is a Marshal of France, and has under his charge both the government and financial affairs of the asylum.

The government consists of --

1st. A Brigadier-General on active duty, who is the commandant of the Hotel.

2d. A Colonel (Major) and eight Adjutants (Major).

The twelve divisions into which the Invalids are classified, are commanded by --

12 Chiefs of division (line or non-commissioned Invalid officers).

12 Adjutants.

12 Under Adjutants.

FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION.

This department consists of --

One military Under Commissary, of the first class.

One assistant

MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.

One Chief Physician,

Nine Assistant

One Chief Apothecary,

Two Assistant

Twenty-six Sisters of Charity.

DOMESTIC ADMINISTRATION.

One Director.

Eight Assistants.

Two hundred Servants (civilians).

Five military Ward-masters, in the Infirmary.

Ten Under-Servants (civilians).

Worship.

One Curate and two Chaplains.

CARE OF BUILDINGS.

One Architect and one Inspector.

BARRACKS AND QUARTERS.

One Chief Superintendent, from the Engineer Corps.

DIETARY.

STAFF OFFICERS' ORDINARY.

Per Day. 1st. 750 grammes (1 1/2 pounds) Bread, whence are deducted 62 grammes (2 1/2 oz.) for soup, which are replaced on Sunday by an equal quantity of rice or vermicelli, alternately, 2d. 250 grammes (1/2pound) of Boiled Beef.

Per Week. 7 dishes of Meat (1/2 pound), Veal or Mutton, roasted or stewed.

10 dishes of Meat, (200 grammes, or 2-5 of a pound,) Veal or Mutton, dressed with vegetables, and of Beef-a-la-mode.

Once a week, 3 hard-boiled Eggs, or 2 fried, or in omelet, or scrambled.

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Twice a week, (Wednesday and Sunday), 1/4 of a roast chicken, with cresses.

Per Week. 10 dishes of green vegetables. 5 do. of dry do.

On Thursday, a dish of potatoes, beans, or lentils, dressed with oil, alternately.

Daily. A dish of salad, (250 grammes oil), for twelve officers.

Two kinds of dessert, cheese and fruits.

A quart of wine.

The ordinary of the subaltern officers (Captains, Lieutenants, Adjutants and Assistant Adjutants), is similar in character to that of staff officers, with the exception of having one dish less at each meal.

ORDINARY OF NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND PRIVATES.

Per Day. 750 grammes (1 1/2 pounds) bread, from which 62 grammes (2 1/2 oz.) are deducted for soup, being replaced on Sundays and festivals by an equivalent weight of rice or vermicelli, alternately.

250 grammes (1/2 pound) of boiled beef.

1 quart of wine for officers and soldiers.

1 pint do. for drummers.

Per Week. 5 dishes of meat, of 150 grammes (1/2 pound) to each man, one of them dressed with vegetables, and which shall be served as follows, viz:

From May 1st to Sept. 30th.

One of veal.

Two of mutton

One of brazed beef, or roast veal, alternately.

From Oct. 30th to Ap'l 30th

One of veal.

Two of Mutton

One of brazed beef, salt pork, or veal alternately.

Per Week. Seven times fresh vegetables, and five times dry ones. On Tuesdays a dish of potatoes, lentils or beans, alternately, and dressed with oil. On Tuesdays three hard boiled eggs, or two eggs fried or in an omelet, alternately.

On Sundays a dish of salad with 250 grammes of oil for 12 persons.

On Fridays 125 grammes (1-4 lb.) cheese.

RATIONS.

FOR STAFF OFFICERS.

Of ham or sausage, 92 grammes (1-5 lb.).

"chickens -- 3 for 12 officers.

"young turkeys -- 2 for 12 officers.

"pigeons -- 1 per officer.

"fricassee of chickens or ducks -- 3 for 12 officers.

"vegetables -- asparagus, green peas, string-beans, dried beans, artichokes, cauliflowers, parsnips.

Cheese. -- Gruyere, Dutch, Brie, Neufchatel, 3-4 of a kilogramme (1 1-4 lbs.) per 12 officers.

Dessert fruits. -- Apricots or peaches, 1 or 2, according to size, per officer.

Plums, 4 to 6, according to size.

Pears, 2 to 3,

Raisins, cherries, currants, or strawberries, 1,500 grammes (3 lbs.) per 12 officers. P reserved fruits. -- Apples or pears, 1 or 2 -- as above.

Prunes, or brandy pears, 1,500 grammes (3 lbs.) per 12 officers.

Sweetmeats. -- Currant jelly, marmalade of plums, or apricots, 750 grammes (1 1-2 lbs.) per 12 officers. Per Year. -- Twice, roasted chestnuts (12 to each man); twice, mixed dried fruits, 1,500 grammes (3 lbs.) per 12 officers.

Six times, sponge cake.

Once, oranges (at the Epiphany).

SUBALTERN OFFICERS:

The dishes of meat (at dinner and supper) follow each other in the following order, viz:

Roast veal, brazed mutton, brazed beef, Irish mutton stew, (5) plain stewed veal or mutton, blanquette of veal, salt pork.

DETAILS:

The weight of each beef, when dressed, must amount, in distributable flesh, to kilo's 300 (700 lbs.)

The weight of each calf 45 (117 lbs.)

sheep 18 (45 lbs.)

Fresh vegetables for officers are dressed with un-salted butter, at the rate of 230 grs. (2-5 lb.) per 12 officers. For subalterns and privates with 230 grs. half-salted butter per 12 men.

Dried vegetables for officers, with 250 grs. (1-2 lb.) of fresh butter; for subalterns and privates with 250 grs. half-salted butter per 12 men.

Chickens must weigh, each 1,400 grammes (2 4-5 lbs.)

Young turkeys"" 2,100 grammes (4 2-5 lbs.)

CLOTHING.

Overcoat, (duration three years.)

Coat,

Vest,

Hat,

Cap, Pantaloons, one year.

Drawers,

Half-gaiters and collars,

Socks, shoes and hdkf s., four months.

Woolen caps and suspenders, three years.

Flannel waistcoats and drawers, eighteen months.

(Signed) FAUKE.

Table of Mortality from Jan. 1st, 1839, to Jan. 1st. 1862.

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Table of Admissions from Jan. 1st, 1848, to Jan. 1st, 1862.

By Ages (decennary)

Pro-rata of Admission by Categories of Age.

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Statistics of the Infirmary.

Deaths, By Ages

Comparative Mortality of Age

Statistical information relating to the Government of the Hotel des Invalides.

1st. QUALIFICATIONS FOR ADMISSIONS.

1. The party must be a military pensioner.

2. He must be sixty years old, or his infirmities must equal in their effects the loss of a limb.

2d. MEANS AGE OF INVALIDS; THEIR NUMBER AND RANK.

The whole number of Invalids on the 25th of October, 1862, was 2,099, viz:

Age

The following were the classifications, according to age, of the 2311 Invalids at the Hotel, on the 27th day of May, 1861.

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The mean age, counting Invalids alone, is 68 years.

Of the 2,311 invalids, not more than 15 or 20 are soldiers of the Crimean and Italian wars. This results from the fact that, since that time, the rise in the scale of pensions has enabled Invalids to live at home, in preference to going into the Hotel.

PROPORTION OF INVALIDS ABLE TO LABOR.

Of the 2,083 invalids, (excluding the 16 drummers,) present at this time (Oct. 25th, 1862), only about 800 are able to mount guard, so that each man's turn comes round once in ten days. This leaves some 1,300 Invalids incapable of any kind of labor.

EXPENDITURES.

The expenses of 1861 amounted to Frs. 2,313,744 41 as follows:

By dividing this sum (less outlays for repairs), amounting to 2,189,744 41 frs. by 2302, the average number of inmates for 1861, we obtain 951 francs as the average annual cost of each Invalid, or, including repairs, the annual cost is 1.0051 frs., or frs. 2.75 per diem.

EMPLOYMENT OF INVALIDS, (INDOORS.)

OUT-DOOR SERVICES.

Invalids, when not on duty, are free to dispose of their time, and many (some 130) thus find employment about the city, in lawyers' or sheriffs' offices, or as superintendents' of buildings in process of construction. Some again, amounting to 188, who are authorized to lodge in town, draw their rations in kind.

The government furnishes no means of employment in the Hotel.

INFIRMARY.

The average number of sick in the infirmary, is about 200 in summer, to 300 in winter. The mean annual mortality is 289.

LABOR OF INVALIDS.

Invalids are free to labor according as they can find opportunity. Their gratuity (solde de menu besom) being insufficient to meet their necessary expenses, they supplement it either by the fruits of their labor, or by the sale of a portion of their rations.

PERSONAL EXPENSES.

Invalids receive in food, drink, and clothing, all that is necessary; nevertheless, it is to be regretted that they are chargeable with the following items of expenditure, viz:

1st. Hair-cutting and shaving.

2d. Purchase of soap, brushes and blacking.

3d. Washing of flannel drawers and waistcoats; socks, pocket handkerchiefs, etc.

A commission has been appointed to revise the organization of the Hotel, and will, in all probability, change the existing state of things in this particular.

(Signed) FAUKE. October 25, 1862. Medical Director of the Invalides.

PRUSSIA.

INVALID HOUSE OF BERLIN.

Cost of Maintenance per Head.

This Invalid Asylum contains one Battalion, consisting of 26 officers, 4 physicians, and 400 men, divided into 8 companies.

The salaries are according to rank, as follows:

For Quarters, there is counted according to regulations, as follows:

Whence it follows that the cost of maintaining 400 men exclusive of quarters, fire and lights, is 28,371 th. 10 s. g., or, oil an average per head per year of a little over 70 thalers.

But if we include in the cost of maintaining these 400 men the salaries of officers, their roomy quarters and emoluments for fuel and lights, as well as the fact that beside the Battalion, a number of officers with their families, reside in this establishment as beneficiaries, having all appropriate surroundings and comforts, as well as extras for attendance, reaching from 60 to 130 thalers annually, we shall, of course, reach an entirely different result from that expressed in the foregoing figures.

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U. S. MILITARY ASYLUM, OR SOLDIERS' HOME,
WASHINGTON, D. C.

BY LEWIS H. STEINER, INSPECTOR, U. S. S. 0.

The object of this institution, which was established in accordance with an Act of Congress, passed March 3d, 1851, is to provide a comfortable home for invalid and disabled soldiers of the army, who have served their country faithfully, and who shall be entitled to the benefits of the institution. The buildings are located on the Riggs Mansion farm, some two miles outside the city limits, and consist of three dwellings for the officers, the asylum building proper, and a hospital, with suitable out-houses. The grounds are handsomely laid out -- a thick grove of trees near the buildings furnish pleasant retreat from the heat of the sun in summer, while the farm proper and the garden afford opportunities for occupying the inmates with recreation and profitable labor.

The Board of Commissioners consists of three officers of the army, who are ex-officio members of the same. These are the Adjutant-General, the Surgeon-General, and the Commissary-General. The constitution of the Board is objectionable, because the members have these duties superadded to those belonging to their positions as heads of departments, which require all their time and attention. One thing may be said in its favor -- that such a constitution of the Board protects it from the evil effects of partisan-appointments.

The officers of the asylum are -- a governor, deputy-governor, secretary, treasurer, and surgeon. The duties of the secretary and treasurer are equivalent to those of quartermaster and commissary in the Held. Dr. Benjamin King, U. S. A., holds both these offices, and also acts as surgeon. There is no governor. Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander, Fifth Infantry, is at present the deputy-governor, and in command of the post.

In addition to these officers, there are five non-commisioned officers (an orderly-sergeant, two sergeants, and two corporals) selected from the inmates, and one hospital steward, enlisted in the regular army.

Soldiers are admitted to the asylum from three classes:

1. Those who have honestly and faithfully served twenty years in the regular army.

2. All who are enjoying a pension from Government; but "all pensioners who may desire to avail themselves of the advantages of the asylum, are required by law to surrender their 'pensions to the institution' during the time they may remain therein, and continue to receive its benefits."

3. Those who have been disabled in the service.

Applicants, according to the regulations, are required to produce evidence of their service in the army. "They must state their age, place of birth, and physical condition; the company, regiment, and corps in which they have served (and when practicable, will produce the certificate of an army surgeon, that the applicant is not able to support himself by manual labor)."

Such members of the asylum as have families, and desire to live with them, are allowed a pension of eight dollars per month, and are permitted to live beyond the limits of the asylum. In case of misconduct, the acting governor has the privilege of suspending the allowances granted. The sum of eight dollars is sometimes made up by an addition to the pension drawn from Government. This class of members is known as outside-pensioners.

The Army Regulations -- so far as they may be applicable -- and a special set of regulations adopted by the War Department, constitute the laws for the internal government of the asylum.

There is, however, no roll-call, but the non-commissioned officers are expected to see to the presence of the men at the proper place, whenever a roll-call would be required in the army.

The inmates may be required, "at the discretion of the governor, to perform such duties in and about the buildings and grounds of the institution as, in his judgment, their age, physical condition, and abilities will allow." Such of them, however, as are employed on the farm, are entitled to the allowance of twenty cents per day for the days actually employed in the work. Whether employed on this kind of labor or not, each inmate is allowed, during good conduct and the faithful performance of light duties about the asylum, such as may be ordered by the Governor, one dollar per month, as pocket money. With this, tobacco, and such luxuries as they may require, can be purchased. The orderly sergeant receives ten dollars per month, the sergeants eight, and the corporals seven. Formerly tobacco was supplied, but as some of the men were found engaged in selling it, this had to be stopped and pocket-money substituted. There is a place for smoking, in the winter, in the upper story of the main building, where the fumes are carried away without entering any of the apartments.

As regards clothing, they are allowed this in quantity not to exceed the allowance to the army in the field. Under no circumstances whatever, is it permitted to an inmate to dispose of his clothing. The regulations require that "there shall be established a neat and comfortable uniform (both for dress and fatigue), which shall be worn by all inmates of the Asylum. All clothing in the possession of the inmates at the time of admission, will be delivered to the Steward, by whom it will be safely kept and returned to the owner whenever he may be discharged from the institution; and no clothing other than the established uniform will be worn by any inmate of the Asylum while he remains therein." Each soldier is supplied with a chest for his clothing and other articles belonging to him, and has an iron bedstead, with neat and suitable bedding, in a ward calculated to hold five to eight. These wards are well ventilated and look exceedingly comfortable.

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Their rations are the same as those of the army; all savings are employed for the benefit of the Asylum, and so far towards the purchase of articles not allowed in the Government ration.

"For misconduct (of which drunkenness, fighting, abusive and profane language may be enumerated as the most prominent), or for any conduct subversive of good order and discipline, inmates will be subject to punishment by the stoppage of their pocket-money and small stores, curtailments of their rations, and confinement, or otherwise, at the discretion of the governor, or acting-governor, and for a repetition of any such offences they may be dismissed." The surgeon considers that the present regulations, or others more stringent still, should be strictly insisted on in order to keep the establishment in proper order. Men with nothing to do are restive under prohibitory laws and will disregard them. This is true of the superannuated as well as the youthful. The difference between them, on the score of insubordination, is one of degree and not of kind.

Furloughs are given from time to time to members of the Asylum, not exceeding a number of days, fixed by the authorities. Should the inmate not return at the expiration of the furlough, he is entered on the rolls as a deserter. Desertion, or absence without leave, deprives the inmate of the privilege of re-admission to the Asylum, unless special admission be obtained from the executive committee; this, however, it seems, has been comparatively very easy to obtain, and men have returned two or three times after their names had been stricken from the rolls. As the use of the Asylum has been somewhat loose on this subject, whenever men are dissatisfied they quickly determine to leave, believing that they can readily regain their old status in the institution.

At the present time, Sept. 2, 1862, the number of inmates is 112; the capacity of the building is said by the authorities to be 180, although one can readily see that 250 might possibly be accommodated without any great inconvenience. The expenses for the Asylum for the year ending July 1, 1862, were $35,022. A great increase of the number of inmates would not greatly increase the expense of the establishment. Indeed, the only items which would be increased would be those of food and clothing. On this account it would be desirable that such an establishment as the Asylum should consist of many beneficiaries and not of few. The increase of expense after the erection of proper buildings, and the purchase of the grounds, does not go onpari passu with the number of the inmates. It is poor economy to have a large number of such Asylums, and experience here teaches how readily, when the plan of an institution is once fully and completely determined on, it may be indefinitely enlarged without anything like a proportionate expenditure. There, is of course, another argument in favor of a large establishment over one of less proportions, -- the feeling that one is an integral portion of a great body, is always more gratifying and cheering, and is well calculated to prevent the despondency and hypochondria too common in all eleemosynary establishments.

As regards the health of "the old soldier," an excellent account is furnished by Dr. King. Not more than three per cent, of sickness are found on an average in the hospital. Five per cent, represent the total sickness in hospital and quarters. Phthisis is not unfrequent with the Irish, who die at a comparatively early age. The good health prevalent here may be attributed to the location of the Asylum, on the high ground north of Washington, free from the depressing influences of malaria and the impure emanations which hang over cities. The fresh, pure air, freedom from care and annoyance, and sound, wholesome food, -- these account for the healthy glow and the sturdy appearance of the veterans.

One constant source of trouble in the government of the Asylum, is the use of intoxicating drinks to excess. No liquor is allowed in the institution. The inmates however succeed in getting it whenever they leave the grounds, sometimes smuggling it within the buildings and getting into trouble in consequence. If this source of trouble were removed, the discipline of the institution could be carried out with the greatest ease.

In the way of amusements great want is experienced. The men play checkers, dominoes. There is no bowling saloon or billiard table, to attract them from dull brooding. The consequence is, when they have exhausted their fund of anecdote, and have tired of hearing each other's accounts of hard fought battles, unless they are working on the farm, a killing ennui seizes them, which gladly finds relief in intoxication or other occasional violation of the regulations. The human mind as well as the human body must be employed, in order that a happy condition of health may be attained. The greater the variety of which this employment consists, the more perfect the result to man. It seems somewhat surprising that amusements in the way of experimental "talks" (rather than lectures) on objects of interest in science and the passing events of the day have not been introduced into this institution. These would serve to beguile many a weary hour, and afford topics for discussion, at small expense to the government. Models of improvements in warlike weapons might be exhibited in museums, and charts of battles could be hung around the walls, serving to keep the soldier supplied with constant material for thought and conversation. Again, a good military band is almost indispensable to such an Asylum. The old music that had thrilled the soul during his active term of service should still be supplied the soldier for the purpose of stirring up old reminiscences and making the blood course gaily through his blood-vessels. And while the airs that had so often cheered him in battle should thus meet his ears, the stirring tones of martial music should also be sources of constant delight and joy. The trophies of his country's victories would find their fitting place of deposit here, and he should feel that they were part of his own birth right, entrusted to his care to guard, from the destructive effects of time and decay, as far as diligent guardianship would ensure such a result. Why suspend such trophies in empty armories, separate from the gallant souls whose valor has won them for the country? Let both the evidence of victory and the worn out warriors be kept in our asylums, -- alike the objects of a nation's pride and a nation's care.

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But man, however much he may enjoy amusement and recreation, must have constant employment, suited to his physical strength and congenial to his tastes. The absence of such constant employment must be looked upon as a prime cause of restlessness, dissatisfaction, and acerbity of manners occasionally found in this Asylum. "An idle brain is the devil's workshop," and to prevent such idleness a series of light trades should be introduced. These might be graduated to the age and strength of the men. The results of their labors should be sold for their benefit. Those who have families could thus contribute to their support, without being necessarily exposed to the harrassing fear of want and starvation, which would be constantly staring them in the face, were they not within the protecting walls of such an institution.

A library, containing from 600 to 800 volumes, is connected with the Asylum. The books are generally not well adapted to the minds and tastes of the men. A few thousand dollars expended in selecting histories, biographies, and such like books, would add to the value of this library, and make it more attractive. Eleven or twelve newspapers are subscribed for by the Asylum, and their contents are greedily devoured by those who compare the incidents and conduct of the present war with the past, and thus keep up, in their own minds, a connection between the past and present. Forty per cent, of the inmates write their names, although a large proportion really know something practically of penmanship, and can read.

Religious services are held every Sunday. A Protestant clergyman is employed for this purpose; and a Catholic priest has been engaged, who conducts the worship of his church twice a month. In addition to this, pews are rented for the use of the inmates in Rock Creek Church (Protestant Episcopal), and in a Catholic Church in Washington.

The Asylum derives its support principally from Congressional appropriations, although a small amount is obtained from other sources connected with the army. Thus, article 1333 Rev. Reg., orders that "The paymaster will deduct from the pay of all enlisted men twelve and a-half cents per month for the support of the Soldiers' Home, and also the amount of the authorized stoppages entered on the muster-roll, descriptive list, or certificate of discharge." Forfeitures, on account of desertion, are theoretically considered as being paid over to the account of the Home; but the practical operation of this rule is, that nothing virtually is paid over, as sutlers invariably have claims which absorb all such forfeitures. Article 1195 Rev. Reg. requires that, "On the first of January, each year, one-fourth of every hospital fund, if less than $150, and one-half if more, will be dropped by the commissary from the fund (hospital fund), and will be paid over to the treasurer of the Soldiers' Home by the Commissary General." Practically this also amounts to nothing, as each hospital surgeon seems to take special care that there shall be no hospital fund on hand by the first of each January.

In truth, the appropriations made by Congress constitute the means of support of the Asylum, and the other sources of support are simply nominal.

Respectfully submitted,
(Signed,) LEWIS H. STEINER, San. Inspector U. S. S. C..

MASSACHUSETTS SOLDIERS' FUND.

Organization of the Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund. -- On the 27th of April, 1861, a committee of one hundred prominent citizens from various parts of the State met in the Senate Chamber at the State House in Boston, to consider what action should be taken in behalf of soldiers and the families of soldiers who had been, or might be called into service. The result of the meeting was an organization of the committee, with a President, ten Vice-Presidents, an Executive Committee of fifteen, a Secretary and a Treasurer, for officers; with power to manage the interests of the committee.

Object of the Organization. -- The object of the organization was stated to be "to receive contributions for the benefit of soldiers, and the families of soldiers who have been (had been) or may be (might be) called into active service, to be held in trust as a fund in reserve, to be applied at the discretion" of the Executive Committee. This fund was named the "Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund," and was the first provision made for the systematic assistance of soldiers and families of soldiers in the State. It was expressly designed to operate as a reserve fund, to be used when the generous but temporary relief afforded by the contributions of neighbors and friends should fail.

Management of the Fund. -- A subscription was opened and proper measures taken for the management of the monies thus raised. It was resolved to hold quarterly meetings of the committee of one hundred, on the second Wednesday of July, October, January, and April, in each year. The management and disposition of the donations being in the hands of the Executive Committee, this committee resolved to hold weekly meetings, and has done so, the first meeting having been held April 30, 1861. At these meetings, the special committee on applications for relief, submits a written report of the material facts of the cases examined, which, if accepted, is certified by a member of the committee on finance, and attested by the secretary, and this certificate is authority to the treasurer to draw his check for the amount appropriated.

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Method of Dispensing Relief. -- It is the practice of the committee to give assistance, wherever practicable, in the form of a weekly allowance for a given number of weeks, according to the necessities of the case, the sum allowed being deposited in a saving's bank, as a check upon imprudence, loss, or theft. In addition to this systematic relief, the secretary is empowered to grant discretionary aid in cases of immediate necessity where the routine of system would be too slow in relieving suffering. An agent is employed to whom application is made and who is in attendance at his office, No. 56 Merchants' Exchange, every day.

Title of Claimants. -- There is no exact rule laid down as to the class of persons entitled to relief from this fund, other than that indicated in the purpose of the fund as stated at the organization of the committee of one hundred. But Mr. Greene, the agent, being also agent of another fund (the Boston Soldiers' Fund), (6) and administering both trusts in the same office, is in the habit of observing a general distinction, by which this fund is distributed chiefly to the widows of soldiers killed, or who have died in service, and their families; and to wounded and disabled soldiers who have been discharged from service.

Results. -- The results of the management of this fund from its establishment to July 1, 1863, I have set forth in the accompanying tables, so far as I could obtain them from the various statements and reports of the secretary and the treasurer. I have recorded whatever facts I could glean, without reference altogether to their bearing upon this special investigation which I have undertaken, but with reference, also, to any other questions which may arise upon kindred topics, being convinced that the most insignificant statistics may assist in obtaining valuable inferences.

There are two or three points in this account of the Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund to which I would ask attention:

1. Disproportion of Claims made upon the Fund to the number of the Class embraced in its provisions. -- In reference to the number of cases relieved at the end of the first quarter, only one case had received assistance -- that of a soldier wounded in Baltimore on the 19th April. The relief afforded consisted in starting him in the way of selling newspapers. Few applied in the next quarter, and no doubt this was owing in part to the expressed intention of the committee to hold the fund somewhat as a reserve fund. But it was not intended to refuse the class embraced in its provisions, and the managers of the fund took pains to have this fact publicly known, and yet, at the close of the first year only eighty-six had made application, notwithstanding, as the secretary adds in his report, "great efforts were made to increase the knowledge of the society." Again, at the close of the fifth quarter, the secretary reports: "We have assisted every one who furnished evidence of a case within the rules prescribed by the founders of the fund; and though during the last three months the number of such persons is nearly as large as in the whole of the previous year, the applications for relief have been singularly limited. As I said on a former occasion (he adds), we have taken unwearied pains to acquaint those who dispense the various public and private charities of the Commonwealth, of the existence and objects of this organization." At the close of the sixth quarter, he notes that "the number of applicants is constantly increasing as the existence and objects of the fund become known." He complains, again, at the close of the seventh quarter, of the scarcity of applicants, and in the report just made for the quarter ending July 1, 1863, he remarks, "applications for aid actually diminish, though casualties of war are constantly increasing."

Decrease in number of applications and in average amount of relief required. -- These statements of the secretary are borne out by a reference to the facts which I have set down in the abstract. It will be observed, too, that the average relief afforded to individuals declines in three successive quarters from $30 04 to $18 90, and then to $15 20. This can hardly be explained on the ground of difference in seasons, since the first three months of the year bring, I suppose, as much suffering as the last three months, and yet there is a difference in the average of relief of $11 14 to the individual, in favor of the former quarter. Mr. Sabine, the secretary, draws the inference from the disproportion of the calls upon the fund to the present number of sick and wounded soldiers, and to the number of soldiers' widows in destitute circumstances, that relief from other sources continues to be in a good measure at least commensurate with pecuniary needs. But however we may account for it, the fact remains that a society having at their disposal a large fund, not extremely limited in its provisions, nor resting under any bad repute, are not able, though taking great pains to inform the public mind, to find enough claimants for their bounty, while the number of recipients constantly diminishes, as well as the average amount of relief required by each. But I shall return to this subject hereafter in connexion with other societies.

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II. System of Record. -- The only other point which I would notice is, in reference to the system of entry adopted in the management of the fund. While each case assisted is recorded somewhat at length, so that from the multitude of cases certain statistics of interest may be gathered, as in the abstract presented, the system turns upon the purpose kept constantly in view of making an accurate account of all the money entrusted to the disbursers of the fund. Keeping this purpose in mind, we may say that there is a most exact management of the fund, and that the system answers its ends. And yet one could wish that such valuable facts as this series of cases affords, might be more available. The suffering are indeed relieved effectually, but there might be much prevention of the same suffering in future, if the economy of relief could receive suggestions from these several cases, both separately and when combined into classes.

STATE AID THROUGH CITY AGENCY.

Legislative Action in Special Session of 1861. -- The first action taken by the State Legislature for the aid of families of volunteers, was in the form of an act approved May 23, 1861, granting permission to the cities and towns of the State to raise money and apply it for the aid of families of volunteers, which money the State engages to re-imburse to a specified extent. Another act, of substantially the same character, but modifying the provisions of the former, was passed and approved March 18, 1862, -chap. 66,-; and it is under the provisions of this act that the city of Boston grants aid to the families of volunteers.

Amount of Aid afforded in Each Case. -- The city regulates its grants by the amount which the State guarantees to return. This amount is a sum not exceeding one dollar per week for each child or parent having a claim under the provisions of the act, Provided, that the whole sum so reimbursed shall not exceed twelve dollars per month for all persons dependent upon any volunteer -- so that a family of twelve is entitled to no more than a family of three.

Claimants for Aid. -- The persons entitled to aid under this act are the wives, children, parents, brothers and sisters dependent upon a citizen volunteer, but as the State does not reimburse money applied for the aid of brothers and sisters, the city applies this at its discretion. The applicant for city relief must present a certificate from the Adjutant General's Office, of the fact of the volunteer upon whom he or she is dependent, being in the service.

Act for the Relief of Families of Deceased and Disabled Soldiers. -- In addition to this act, another was passed and approved March 12, 1863, extending the same aid to persons holding the same relation to a deceased or disabled soldier for a period of one year from the date of such decease or discharge from the army. In no case is this aid granted to the soldier himself, but only to persons dependent upon him. These acts, and the regulations adopted under them, have been published on a sheet from the State Auditor's Office.

Returns under this Act. -- I have examined the returns for the several wards of the city of Boston for the year 1862, and have set forth the result in the accompanying table. There have as yet been no returns under the act providing for the families of deceased or discharged soldiers, nor will there be any until the close of the year. The returns for 1861, under the first act, I have not examined in detail, but there has been a steady increase in applications for relief from the beginning, though no greater than would naturally be expected.

BOSTON SOLDIERS' FUND ASSOCIATION.

Organization and Object. -- The Boston Soldiers Fund Association was organized in the fall of 1862, and the wards of the city which entered the organization elected two trustees each, to carry into effect the purpose of the subscribers to the fund. This purpose was stated to be the assistance "of necessitous and deserving soldiers and their families, whether enlisted from Boston, or residents of Boston, whenever they may need pecuniary aid." The subscription to this fund has been kept open, and disbursements under it commenced Dec. 11, 1862. Each ward in the city, with the exception of wards X. and XI., which have distinct organizations, has two trustees and a district committee of ten members, while the officers are a president, treasurer, secretary, and an executive committee of seven.

Mode of Distribution. -- The course adopted in distributing aid is briefly thus: Upon application being made for assistance, the case is put in the hands of a member of the district committee for the ward in which the applicant resides, who inquires into the merits of the case, and reports to the trustees of the ward. The trustees in their turn report to the executive committee, which, at its weekly meeting, passes upon the case, and recommends the amount of relief to be afforded, which is paid in the form of an allowance, and disbursed by the general agent, at his office.

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Title of Claimant. -- As I before remarked, the agent of the Boston Soldiers' Fund is also agent of the Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund, and he is thus enabled to disburse the two funds with greater economy, both by guarding against any persons receiving aid from the two societies at once, and by making a distinction between the classes to be aided, for he also is authorized to inquire into the merits of the cases presented. I do not know that any special disability entitles a soldier or a soldier's family to receive aid from this fund; but, in general, we may say that it proposes to step forward with its assistance, in all regular or irregular cases of necessity, which other charitable funds fail to reach or to cover.

Record. -- Each case approved by the Executive Committee comes to the agent registered on a blank form, and these forms are by him kept on file. His cash journal contains the date of payment to each applicant, the names registered under the separate wards, the sum paid to each.

From this cash journal, and from the treasurer's report for July 7, 1863, I gather a few facts recorded in the accompanying tables.

WARD XI. SOLDIERS' RELIEF SOCIETY.

The first volunteer city movement. -- Two wards are not represented in the Boston Soldiers' Fund Association, for the reason that they had previously formed separate associations for the same object, and were in successful operation. The Eleventh Ward was the first to organize, and I will copy an account of its operations furnished at my request by the secretary of the society:

Organization. -- "Our organization is called Ward Eleven Soldiers' Relief Society. The fund is twenty-five thousand dollars, invested in United States securities. July 30, 1862, the citizens of the Ward were called together to consult and take means to raise three hundred volunteers, as called for by the President of the United States. A committee of twenty were appointed by this meeting to recruit in the Ward, and to raise $25,000 for the relief of soldiers and their families, and to see to its distribution. This committee is sub-divided into ten committees of two each. The full committee meet every Tuesday evening, and all applications are then considered, and referred to the above sub-committees, who visit the applicants, ascertain their wants, and relieve according to their judgment.

Title of Claimant. -- "Any member of a soldier's family who is dependent upon him for support, any wounded soldier returned or discharged, and the families of those killed in battle or dying of disease, have a claim upon the society.

Disbursements. -- " We have disbursed $5,500 to the relief as above, including $2,500 paid in allotments to soldiers' families, they thus having a fixed sum monthly, a part of which we hope to and shall receive back again. The number on our books amounts to 500. Two-thirds of that number receive aid from the fund according to situation and number in the family, ages of children, sickness, etc., and some by the above allotments. Last winter the committee distributed a large amount of clothing and shoes, which were kindly donated by the citizens of the Ward.

Results. -- "I will remark, in addition, that this committee took extraordinary pains to become personally acquainted with the family of every soldier in service from the Ward, and that under their system, it seemed almost impossible that there should be any serious privation among the class concerned."

WARD X. SOLDIERS' RELIEF FUND.

Date of Organization. -- The prompt action of the Eleventh Ward was followed by that of Ward Ten. The Ward Ten Soldiers' Relief Fund was organized in August, 1862. The amount then and subsequently raised was about $7,000.

Mode of Distribution. -- The fund is in the hands of five trustees -- gentlemen resident in the Ward who act as a committee of relief. Amongst them the Ward is districted, and each has power to relieve applicants in his district. Personal investigation is made of each case, and such assistance, and for so long a time, is made as shall seem advisable to the committee having charge of the case.

Title of Claimants. -- Applicants for aid must have been residents of the Ward at the date of the raising of the fund; but if they have since removed to other Wards, they are still entitled to aid. The fund is conducted substantially as that of the Eleventh Ward, and the system of neighborly oversight enables the charity to be judiciously administered. I have been unable to obtain any facts as to the number assisted or the amount of aid granted.

DISCHARGED SOLDIERS' HOME.

Organization, and Design. -- Although not strictly a local institution, yet, as being founded and sustained in this city, the "Discharged Soldiers' Home" comes within the scope of this investigation. It was organized July 4, 1862, under an extensive board of management, embracing one hundred and nine individuals, with the design to provide a comfortable Home " for such persons who are in need, as have been honorably discharged from the army of the United States, by reason of their sickness or wounds." A building has been granted them by the city government, and the Home has for some time been in operation.

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Title of Applicants. -- No restriction appears to be exercised respecting applicants, other than that of honorable discharge and deserving need. The building does not admit of more than one hundred and twenty inmates at one time, and yet has never been full. Their ordinary number, I think, is about seventy.

General Results. -- In the month of May, 1863, they received seventy-four and dismissed sixty-five. One of these was sent away because he was cured and well. With this exception, sixty-four went voluntarily; two-thirds of them to go to work, one-third to go to friends who had written for them and were ready to receive them, in places where there was no such charity as this to take them in hand. -These statements are from a letter of Rev. E. E. Hale to Mr. Knapp, unpublished.-

The cases at the discharged Soldiers' Home may be said to be the worst cases of all. It appears, then, that after treatment there, two-thirds of the men who had been discharged, as disabled soldiers, were able to support themselves, and one-third were cared for. There is absolutely but one black sheep -- who was sent away because he was well -- left of that month's troop to become applicants for general charity (and he asserted that he was going to work). Yet the discharges for this month amount to sixty-five seventy-fourths of the number received for the same month.

I have set down a few statistics of the Discharged Soldiers1 Home in an accompanying table.

I. -- Classification of Cases relieved by the Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund, from April, 1861, to July, 1863.

II. Receipts and Disbursements Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund

RECEIPTS.

* Of the amount here stated, $60,630 71 was raised within three months, and the balance shortly after.

DISBURSEMENTS.

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*Of the amount disbursed, the sum of $1,300 00 is stated to have been expended by the secretary with the authority of the committee for the immediate relief of applicants, whose cases would not admit of the usual routine of appropriation.

III. -- Average Relief

Permit me to add a few words respecting the working and result of these various charities.

1. Mutual Understanding. -- It appears that notwithstanding the existence of several independent organizations, there is little interference between them, and little opportunity for dishonest applicants to secure help from more than one. The State aid, indeed, is given to every applicant who is dependent upon an absent volunteer, or a discharged disabled soldier, according to the rules mentioned. But the Boston Soldiers' Fund, and Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund, being disbursed by the same agent, are, so far as applicants are concerned, one Fund; and the Tenth Ward and Eleventh Ward Funds are so strictly defined, that they do not interfere with the other organizations. If applicants appear for these ward charities who do not reside in these wards, they are sent to the agent of the Boston Fund; if applicants appear there who reside in either the Tenth or Eleventh Ward, they are sent to those associations, so that the whole ground of the city is covered, and no organization overlaps another in its district.

2. General Results. -- Although the statistics which I have drawn up are not very full, yet they indicate, I think, that as yet the various funds suffice for the actual needs of soldiers and their families; an indication which is confirmed by the testimony of the almoners of the funds. I think also that we may infer a large amount of self-respect, leading the great majority of cases assisted to help themselves when possible, and, in the case of discharged soldiers, a willingness to go to work as soon as able to do so.

3. The Material for a full Statement respecting Aid. -- I would draw attention, finally to the abundant material which exists in various offices in this city for a further and more complete statement of the facts in relation to volunteers and their families, and discharged disabled soldiers and their families. This material is not at present wholly available, but if measures could be taken to collect and arrange it, I am convinced that it would afford invaluable data for important conclusions. Let me indicate the resources that exist here for investigation upon these and kindred topics. 1. Regiment Rolls. -- In the Adjutant General's Office, at the State House, are the rolls of the Massachusetts regiments. These rolls contain about 11,000 names of men enlisted from Boston. The rolls are drawn up under the following headings:

NAME
RANK
AGE
RESIDENCE
OCCUPATION
MARRIED OR SINGLE
RESIDENCE IN
REMARKS, I.E, DIED OR DISCHARGED

The names are entered in no order, except by regiments or companies of regiments, though I learn from the Adjutant General's report, that a duplicate and alphabetical catalogue is making. These 11,000 names, then, would be the basis of a complete classified catalogue of Boston soldiers -- a catalogue which could be made to embrace all the important facts in each case, bearing upon the questions involved in the economy of the war.

2. Returns of City Relief. -- In the Auditor's Office, at the State House, are the yearly returns from Boston, by wards, of the aid granted to families of volunteers enlisted from Boston. These returns are alphabetical, and recorded under the following headings:

Name
Date of entering Service
No. of Regiment
Letter of Company
Names of Persons Assisted
Age of Children
Relations of Persons Assisted
Monthly Allowance
January, February, March, etc
Sum paid each Person

3. Boston Soldiers' Fund. -- Every case assisted by the Boston Soldiers' Fund Association is recorded upon a blank form and filed for reference. These forms embrace the following heads:

SOLDIER.

Ward, name, age, married, residence, enlisted, occupation. Do you receive aid from town, State of Massachusetts, City of Boston, Overseer of Poor, any other source.

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DEPENDENT.

Name, age, relation, residence, children, names and ages.

4. Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund. -- A descriptive account of every case assisted by the Massachusetts Soldiers' Fund is recorded in their books with alphabetical reference. These are the principal records, but the ward funds could also, no doubt, furnish similar statements respecting all who have received assistance from them. A collation of these records would be of the greatest value.

STATE AID THROUGH CITY AGENCY

(RELIEF COMMITTEE.)

BOSTON SOLDIERS' FUND ASSOCIATION.

DISBURSEMENTS.

Number enlisted from Boston, 11,000.

Number of families assisted by city...3,948, at average of $64 58 each.

Number of families in Eleventh Ward assisted by city...530, at $60 64 each.

Assisted in addition, by Eleventh Ward Committee...500.

BOSTON DISCHARGED SOLDIERS' HOME.

For months of May, June, and July, 1863, the average number daily provided for was 82, at a per capita expense of 56 cents.

Average daily attendance, 80; at an average expense of cents each.

Add to this (what was included in estimate for preceding three months) salaries of superintendent and matron, amounting to $1,000 per annum, and we have for average expense of each individual through August, about 71 cents per diem.

In computing the cost, everything is included, but the rent of the building is free; and it must be added that the aid of friends has largely reduced the cost of clothing. No expense falls upon the soldier, who is fed, clothed, and housed, and provided with medical attendance. The accommodations are nominally limited to one hundred, but as many as one hundred and fifteen, and one hundred and twenty have, at times, been provided for.

JNO. S. BLATCHFORD.

PROPOSITION FOURTH.

Could not the Public Lands enable us to form Invalid Battalions, or Districts of Military Agriculturists throughout the Great West? In the event of a Monarchy being permanently re-established in Mexico, would it be advisable to organize a Military frontier?

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The immense extent of our still unreclaimed territory in the West, and the importance of bringing it under occupation for the purpose of building military roads and highways of communication between the eastern and western slopes of the continent, presents us with a very large field for inquiry into the best means of carrying into effect some plan of colonization in that quarter. Certainly, so far as physical adaptation of colonists is concerned, we might reasonably expect that soldiers, especially American soldiers, would constitute the very best of pioneers. With a practical experience of life in the field, and the endurance acquired by active exercise, they cannot fail to prove themselves equal to any emergencies or hardships; and, with the additional quality of intelligence possessed by them, they may be relied upon to lay the foundation of future States in a permanent and trustworthy manner. Americans are, by nature, adventurous, loving a life of novelty, experiments and exploits. Hence they can always be depended upon, not only to occupy a country, but also to improve and develop its resources. Our military agriculturists, in contra-distinction from those of Russia, Austria, or France, would prove themselves something more than mere tillers of the soil. They would colonize with reference to creating new States -- would pave the way, by their industry and intelligent foresight, for the subsequent influx of artizans and merchants, and lighting their torches at the altar of Hestia, would bear with them into the wilderness the laws, religion, customs and traditions of their native land. Such has been the general rule observed in the foundation of our new States, and such it would be desirable to keep it, in order to insure perpetuity of republican institutions upon this continent.

Unfortunately for these suggestions, schemes of military colonization have not always been undertaken in a commercial point of view. Founded upon other necessities than those of peace, they have everywhere retained an exclusively military character, tending rather to paralyze than to foster the development of commercial arts. It is true that, in modern times at least, military colonies have been attempted almost solely by nations in which the military element greatly predominated over the civil, and whose form of government recognized as a cardinal maxim the subordination of the latter to the former. A brief sketch of their history in Europe will suffice to illustrate this assertion, while, at the same time, it should serve to admonish us that, because they have not there done all which was expected of them, it does not follow that they would fail here to the same extent. We are an essentially different people in character and habits of conduct. Aside from a larger versatility of talents, and a readier power of co-ordinating means to ends, the elastic temper of our institutions permits, if it does not even invite, undertakings of a magnitude and complication which it would be unsafe to commit to less intelligent masses, or such as did not respect the elements of individuality and municipal freedom. Under such favoring circumstances, we are little amenable to the causes operating upon populations like those constituting Russian or Austrian colonies; for the spontaneity of action which everywhere distinguishes the American mind, authorizes us to indulge expectations founded, in part, on experience, of a character the most satisfactory in relation to the progress and ultimate success of such colonies. While ore would be dug, mines opened, streams bridged, water-privileges secured, grist and saw mills erected within a few weeks after an American colony had planted itself upon any soil, the sterile banks of the Danube, and the almost patriarchal husbandry of the Banat, are a perpetual monument of the non-progressive character of the Sclavic races.

EUROPEAN MILITARY COLONIES.

Frederick II. asserts that the first idea of military colonies in Europe originated with the Czar Peter the Great. The object in view was to organize a species of mobilized militia, which could, whenever called upon, furnish a contingent to the regular army. The scheme was a bold one in its inception, and not without justification statistically, for, between St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kasan, and the Ukraine, there was scattered a population of full twelve millions of men, from among whom very valuable auxiliary and irregular troops could be obtained. This plan of Peter, although not completed in his lifetime, has been systematically followed and improved upon by his successors. As early as 1711 he had formed Cossack colonies in the trans-Caucasus, and along the Kouban and Terek rivers, but it was only with the reign of Anne, that anything like an organization and a relation to the army proper was given to these colonists. They were chiefly intended to guard the frontier against those invasions of Turks and Tartars, which were a hereditary terror to the nations of Europe, up to the time when the prestige of Saracen invincibility was destroyed under the walls of Belgrade.

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Beginning in 1727, with one regiment of hussars, in the Ukraine, the Servian colonists were soon enrolled for that purpose throughout the district. Other lines of colonies were similarly formed along the banks of the Dniester and Dnieper, so that, in general, all the Cossack armies destined for the protection of the frontier, can be considered as military colonists. This colonization of Cossacks was continued under Catharine II., by an Ukase of July 1, 1742, and they were re-organized like those of the Don, under the denomination of Cossacks of the Black Sea. These Cossacks form a population of 60,000 males, and furnish to the army one division of Cossacks of the Guard, twelve regiments of cavalry, nine battalions of infantry, and three batteries of horse artillery.

But military colonies, as they actually exist in Russia, do not reach back farther than the year 1810, and the principal objects sought for in their establishment were the following, viz:

1st. To facilitate recruiting.

2d. To maintain the army as cheaply as possible in time of peace.

3d. To foster agriculture, by not withdrawing from it so many men, who, instead of being absorbed in the military service, could add their own labor to the productive industry of the country.

4th. To people large and waste districts.

5th. To insure the soldier a home and independence at the expiration of his term of service. (Colonists only serve twenty years; the Guard twenty-two; all others twenty-five years.)

The Russian colonies now or lately in existence consist of those of the Ukraine, in the government of Kharkow, with eight districts; those of Southern Russia, in the government of Khersow, with twelve districts; those of the government of Kiew and Podolia, with five districts and two sub-districts. These colonies furnish a contingent of thirty-five regiments of cavalry, nine of infantry, and three battalions with fourteen batteries; thus forming two hundred and forty-two squadrons of cavalry, and thirty battalions of infantry, with artillery, amounting in all to 82,260 men.

AUSTRIAN MILITARY COLONIES.

The Austrian military colonists in the Banat, aside from the protection to the frontier which they are designed to afford, are also connected with the customs, and perhaps on this account more than all others have been retained for the additional purpose of enforcing a most rigid system of quarantine along the whole Turkish border. They form a true cordon sanitaire throughout the Illyrian provinces, against the importation of the plague, and were once even so employed against the cholera. However this may be, every soldier in the Banat spends ninety days a year on duty, as a sanitary picket (seven days at a time). The usual number kept on watch on the Danube and Save is six thousand, which is increased on emergencies to double that number. These frontier soldiers -- or milites limitanei, as they might with great propriety be called -- amount in all to sixty thousand. The Austrian military colonies, as a class, seem better to fulfil the idea of agricultural soldiers than those of Russia; for, not only are they self-supporting, but they even pay into the public treasury over a million florins annually. This speaks well, not alone for their industry, but more still for the system of government, almost patriarchal, which administers their affairs with so frugal a hand.

From these lessons of European experience, we may infer that systems of military colonization, when properly conducted, are not of impracticable execution, nor entirely void of financial results. If, with the indifferent roads and obstacles to easy transportation which prevail in the Austrian Banat, the colonists can become, not simply self-supporting, but able to pay an annual contribution into the treasury of the nation from their agricultural gains, how much easier would it not be for American colonists, settled along the line of our southern and western frontier, to do as much, if not better than this? The exuberant fertility of our soil, and the richer staples like cotton, sugar, tobacco and hemp which it produces in those latitudes, renders it certain that the smallest application of industry to the cultivation of land would yield abundant and lucrative harvests. Throughout the broad steppes, or basins of our western territories -- on the banks of most of the tributaries of the Mississippi -- and in the vicinity of the already surveyed routes of the Pacific railroad, are districts of country fertile in all natural resources, and which would afford most excellent fields for colonization. The immediate consequence of settlement would be to increase the value of all surrounding lands; and the Government, by judiciously retaining certain portions immediately adjoining its colonies, would be able to fully reimburse itself for those sections given away. From having originally been established as military colonies on the frontier, these settlements would soon assume the character of large villages, towns and commercial entrepots, and, in the course of another generation, everything of a purely military character would have passed away. In fact, the history of most of our western settlements has been that of semi-military colonies. They were all as much founded with the rifle as with the axe, and owed their permission to grow, during the perils of their infancy, more to the prowess of their inhabitants than to the mechanical or agricultural abilities possessed by them. Yet all these settlements have flourished and ultimately become large towns and cities, deriving, meanwhile, no direct assistance or support from the General Government; and except here and there, where an old block-house still remains to remind us of the dangers to which the early settlers were exposed, nothing would indicate the originally military character of the settlement, or the liability of its early inhabitants to sudden attacks from without.

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CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN MEXICO.

The recent establishment of a monarchy in Mexico, is an event which should awaken serious attention to the dangers thereby threatening free institutions on this continent. That this should be permitted without a protest, and even something more, from the United States, is not to be supposed possible. Every consideration due to the principles of free government for which we have so long and unflinchingly battled, requires that a most earnest and speedy effort should be made to check the growth of any form of government which is not in entire harmony and political sympathy with our own. The continent of North America seems by Divine appointment destined to be the theatre upon which the experiment of self-government is to be fully worked out. Republican institutions have been so well and successfully tried in the United States, and conterminous nations, and now absorb so large a portion of the whole continent, that it is incumbent on us, as their leading representative, to see that no foreign power interferes with them. We stand, in fact, pledged before the world as the champions of free government, and must make good the expectations entertained of our ability to vindicate this fair title. Not to do so now, and after shedding so much blood in the cause of civil liberty, is to descend to a degree of pusillanimity unworthy of those who have so long stood as the acknowledged defenders of a new political dispensation. On this point, at least, there is such an entire unanimity of sentiment throughout the country as not to require any argument by which to enforce it. The American people can not consent to any division of the continent between political systems so radically antagonistic as monarchy and republicanism. The two, it has been immemorially demonstrated, can not flourish in proximity. Caste-privilege and prerogative on the one hand, and popular rights and representative government on the other, are immiscible elements, particularly on this continent. The former have been tried, fully tried and endured, both among us and in Mexico; and having been condemned by popular sentiment expressing itself through successful revolutions, organized by Christian patriots, the experiment must not again be permitted. The principle of the balance of power recognized by European nations at the treaty of Westphalia, in 1648, by which a system of checks and balances upon changes in the established forms of governments was authorized, should be enforced by us against all attempts to re-establish monarchy on this continent.

It is, perhaps, hardly time yet to speak of Mexico as returned to a permanent form of monarchical government. Political events are of too transitional a character in that country, to make us willing to believe in the permanency of this new thraldom, forced upon her by French bayonets. As soon as the popular mind can make itself heard, and force its way to an active interference in the affairs of the nation, the invading and disrupting element now sitting like an incubus upon the hearts of the people, will be deposed from its usurped seat, and Republicanism rising into rightful power, will re-assume the reins of government. Meanwhile, the question arises whether we should wait for this possible turn of events, or whether, acting upon the dictates of prudence and policy, we should not adopt measures calculated to put an impassable barrier between us, and the farther encroachments of foreign governments. Remembering always that it is France, and not Mexico, which now menaces the integrity of republican institutions on this continent, we shall know all the better how to act in the premises. A military frontier would not only prevent encroachments upon our soil, but give to the Mexican people a rallying point or back-ground of support, from which to begin anew the struggle for political and religious freedom.

In order, therefore, to invite colonization on the frontier, the Government should bestow some additional advantages upon actual settlers, and hold out increased inducements to veteran soldiers to emigrate to this region. As their military qualifications would render them the most useful of colonists there, so every effort should be made to induce as many as possible to join in the undertaking. But, were bounty lands along the border to be subjected to the same rules of possession and occupancy as similar lands elsewhere, there would be danger that, in particular portions of this district, by reason of climate, topography, and character of soil, no emigrants would be found willing to occupy them. This was the case with several of the Roman colonies, planted in distant and inaccessible regions, and for which few voluntary emigrants presented themselves. We have it in our power to remedy this possible evil by a wise and generous legislation -- sacrificing present and established usage for future and increased advantages. Some plan might be devised by which the amount of the bounty-land could be increased per capita wherever six or more married men would actually settle in a group about some military post. The fee absolute of these surplus lands might be made conditional upon a five year's occupancy, during which time the occupant might be relieved from all excise and income tax. A local militia should then be organized among these emigrants, and systems of drill and camp instruction maintained, in order to preserve and perpetuate a proper military spirit. All males between 18 and 55, having the necessary physical capacity, should be enrolled in this organization. It should form a true Sedentary corps, never leaving its own locality, and acting purely on the defensive.

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The next and most important want is, that means of communication by post-roads should be provided by Government as early as practicable, both for the convenience of the local population, as well as for the transportation of troops in cases of necessity. In fact, the time has come when military roads should be constructed all along our frontiers, and wherever there is a possibility of invasion. But particularly so in the south-west, because that, beyond all others, seems the quarter from which we are now, and may continue to be menaced. A military frontier has become, therefore, almost a necessity. We have the proper men with which to organize it -- men combining experience with indomitable energy -- thinking heads with working hands; and it will, consequently, be our own fault if we do not turn these advantages to the strengthening and development of our national grandeur. Along the whole line of our south-western frontier we could easily establish military posts, the garrisons of which could be furnished by the local militia. Efficiency and economy would thus be secured. Men having a home near by would perform their duties with more alacrity and devotion than if strangers and merely commorant in that locality. They would be interested in plans looking to the good of posterity, knowing that their own would share in whatever benefits were likely to accrue from a due employment of their present opportunities. Instead of being mere garrison soldiers with nothing to do, when off duty they would be stimulated to labor in their own fields and for their own gain, by the reflection that great and lasting advantages were within their reach; that they were objects of special regard to the nation, and were honored by her with the mission of keeping watch and ward at the gateways of her territory. With such incentives to industry and good conduct as these, American military colonists could not fail to exhibit to the world a spectacle of successful enterprise beyond that of any similar character in either ancient or modern times.

PROPOSITION FIFTH.

In the construction and service of the Pacific Railroad, what parts could there be assigned to invalid soldiers, e. g., overseers, switchmen, flagmen, telegraph operators, station and freight agents, clerks, conductors, engineers, firemen, etc., etc.?

As the greatest of all public works yet undertaken by the nation -- the construction of the Pacific Railroad presents us with one of the best possible opportunities of giving employment to a large class of disabled soldiers. The length of time which will be required to build it, and the immense number of employees necessary to discharge the various duties of so extensive an undertaking, point to this as a source of very just and profitable occupation for invalids. It is not to be assumed by this, however, that they could perform such heavy or laborious duties as necessitate a full enjoyment of all our physical powers; but there are numerous occupations connected with the administration of the road, and involving more of intelligence than manual strength, which they might easily and successfully undertake. These occupations, a few of which are enumerated above, are all within the capacity of the generality of invalids, and the salaries which can be paid them in such places could not fail to secure the services of all that would be needed.

But, pending the construction of the road it would certainly be desirable, at the outset, to bring the region through which it is to pass under some degree of settlement and cultivation. It should, at the very least, be made to feed those who are about living there. The laborers on the great work itself will be wanted for purposes exclusively connected with it. They cannot, at the same time, be agriculturists, and in that sense will be consumers alone of the products of the soil, and not producers. Food of all kinds, in consequence, will have to be imported, and the enormous cost of transportation, most of it being by land-carriage, will raise the price of provisions to a rate beyond the economical reach of the laborer; thus deterring him from going there by the bitter prospects of consuming all his daily gains in the support of his family. Every motive of economy and concern for the future will, therefore, lead him to remain in the more thickly settled regions of the East, and his services will be lost to those who most need them. In order to obviate this, the Government should, at an early day, make provision for opening the Pacific Railroad district, and rendering it self-supporting. Settlers must be induced to go out and reclaim the wilderness by the offer of peculiar advantages. Natural resources of every kind must be improved, and communities planted for the purpose of opening markets and furnishing products to non-producing inhabitants. Food will thus be made to keep pace with population, and ordinary day-laborers being assured that they may, by the competition of open markets, not only be enabled to live within their income, but even to lay up something against the coming of old age, will be induced to go out into this new country with the ultimate hope of becoming freeholders.

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In ordinary times the settlement and improvement of this railroad region might be left to the natural course of events. Adventurers can always be found among us, for the pioneering spirit is, in a great measure, indigenous; but we want men more conservative in character than are trappers and hunters. We want men who will establish themselves and remain during their lives occupants of this virgin soil; we want colonists who intend to found states and become the fathers of civilization in those regions. They should be able to appreciate the privileges attaching themselves to their peculiar form of colonization and the advantages secured to them, at the very start, from Government assistance and patronage. In what way this assistance can be meted out most justly, will be discussed in the next proposition.

PROPOSITION SIXTH.

Are invalid villages practicable, where the results of accumulated and combined labor shall be annually distributed among the families constituting them, according to the amount of work performed by their members.

The results of associated labor on a large scale, and as practised by many communities in this country, lead to the inference that the system is not in itself an impracticable one, nor has it generally been an unsuccessful one, wherever a proper spirit of harmony obtained among members, and a just government administered their affairs. The two conditions, therefore, which may ever be considered necessary, if not indispensable to success, are entire unanimity on the part of members, and competent leaders to guide and develop the resources of the community. It is true, doubtless, that such associations have usually sprung from religious enthusiasm, tending, in a degree at least, to wear the outward appearance of fanaticism, and in consequence have been popularly considered as its offspring; still, there can be no question that material incentives have influenced their creation full as much as spiritual motives. Lands farmed by these communities have risen in value; their products have both sought and found ready markets, and commercial gains have flowed into their treasuries, not undesired nor undervalued. The true incentives to increased activity have been found, not so much in the greater amount of religious liberty enjoyed (since no man in our country is debarred this boon), but in the actual profits derived from associated and voluntary labor on a large scale. This result is the key to the problem. Communities of this kind are feasible in every sense of the term, and, better still, they may be made highly prosperous, for none pretend to deny that they do much more than merely support their members. In fact, a large communal fund is annually acquired from the labor of the whole, and it only remains to divide and distribute this, pro rata, in order to make the relations of members to each other one of entire satisfaction. According as they work should they be rewarded; and according as they derive profit from the association, will their efforts to increase its aggregate productiveness be augmented. Rewards are the proper stimuli to industry in human society, and consequently the larger they are, the greater will be the efforts made to obtain them.

It seems to be conceded that small associations for the purposes of combined labor, without wages, eo nomine, but where all have some share in the profits, generally prove more successful than large ones, on many accounts. In the first place, because of their inferior size they are susceptible of more simple, and consequently of easier management. The family or patriarchal type of government still prevails in a certain measure -- a form in which there is more sympathy and a greater mutuality of interest between leaders and laity, because born of better acquaintance and confidence. The affairs of small communities as compared with large ones are notoriously managed with more honesty and discretion. The fact is patent without argument, and its reason flows from the operation of those laws of social organization which render unity of interest dependent upon concentration of interest. As a consequence, the more that interest is dispersed, and the field of activity extended, the less is the individual sympathy among members. Again, and with greater significance for us, small communities will necessarily be less expensive in the light of experiments than large ones; and, while risks of failure, involving heavy expenditures, might deter a Government from undertaking a large and multiform effort, which, although known to be politic, might yet require several years, and possibly renewed experiments to prove itself so, the same objection would not obtain against small and inexpensive undertakings designed to pave the way for greater and lasting enterprises. These considerations point clearly to the necessity of beginning invalid villages on a small scale, a justification for which will be found in the experience of Shakers, who divide themselves into what are termed families, or, more truly, aggregations of individuals amounting to a few scores, who labor and live together, although still recognized as members of the general community. The family, so called, bears the same relation to the community at large, that the States do to the General Government. It both governs itself, and is, in turn, governed by the whole. We cite these facts merely by way of analogy and illustration, not intending them as models for imitation. They undoubtedly bear upon the question of the feasibility of such communities, and in that light are worthy of consideration. Beyond this they need not detain us to examine them.

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Starting, therefore, with the conclusion that the experiment of invalid villages should be made on a small scale, the number of inhabitants in any one should not, it seems to us, exceed two hundred adults of both sexes. Land should be apportioned to them according to the nature of the industry about to be pursued, bearing in mind, also, that in distinction from military agriculturists, they are to practise chiefly various forms of artizanship. Their land should support them by supplying food and clothing; while their manual occupations, taking the lead of all other things, should enable them in time to accumulate some little gains. By the assistance of machinery, men highly disabled might still be made capable of earning more than a living, and in this way almost every grade of disability would find some sphere of usefulness in which to exercise itself. It is computed by those competent to judge in such matters, that invalids occupied in any ordinary labor can easily earn two dollars per week, while, by the assistance of machinery, this amount can be increased to three and possibly four dollars. Estimating the cost of supporting an adult, in such a society, at two dollars a week, it seems evident that under ordinary circumstances each man can generally support himself. The plus labor performed by his children, over the cost of their maintenance, would then go toward the family in the form of divided gains; and thus the inability to labor of a parent might be doubly compensated for by the excess labor of his children. It will be readily inferred from this, that unmarried invalids should not be admitted among the population of these villages, unless they chance to be the sons of invalids. Where father and son are both invalids, it would be wrong to separate them. But, in general, unmarried men are not wanted there. Their place, already commented upon in a preceding proposition, is in asylums, where they can find employment with some wages attached to it. In invalid villages, the family should form the predominant type of society, and everything there should conspire to render it self-supporting and acquisitive.

Wherever the character of the country admits of it, dairy farms should be created of preference, because of the part which women can take in their management; and the amount of land to be apportioned to the inhabitants of a village should therefore depend very much upon the nature of the agricultural employment whence their support is, primarily, to be derived. Three acres per head for tillage land, and ten for dairy or stock-raising purposes, seems about enough. More than this would only encumber families and take them from the field of artizanship. Large farms, combined with immethodical culture, have done more to discourage agriculture as a profession than all other causes. What is wanted chiefly is, a husbanding of resources, by employing them upon a narrower field, which in turn, and as all experience proves, becomes a more productive one.

The locality of these villages should, at the outset, be selected with particular reference to proximity to markets, where their own manufactures could be disposed of; and of equal importance, also, is it, that water privileges should be united to their other advantages, so that in time machinery might be added to the productive power of the community. At first, and while the experiment of establishing the village was in operation, manual labor alone should be tested, and according as invalids exhibited a willingness to exert themselves, and an ability to become useful artizans, should the Government proceed to assist them by machinery. It would be an unwarrantable expenditure to begin by establishing factories, before knowing whether the community in which they were located had the ability to turn them to a good account. Taste, original habits, and topographical circumstances, would unquestionably point out the particular branches of art which these villages would adopt. There are preferences in such matters which it is useless to philosophize about, for the simple reason that they are inexplicable. Hence, wherever they exist, they should be respected and developed. In some villages arts will be pursued which require no artificial assistance. In others there will be such as cannot act without it. On the particular circumstances of each case will depend the line of conduct to be pursued by the government. Thus, if a majority of the inhabitants of a village had previously followed some special trade, as shoemaking or broom-making, they should be encouraged to resume it, on the principle that, whatever men have a familiarity with, and experience in, they must necessarily be able to do better than any thing else. For, in all occupations, whether of the head or hands, drill is everything, and the cheapest workman to employ is always a master in any art. Invalids should be allowed, therefore, some choice in this matter, for we may rest assured it will be one founded both in reason and upon experience. Let them first satisfy the country which extends so much help towards them that are zealous to improve it, and they will command still more.

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ORGANIZATION OF INVALID VILLAGES.

In order to incite invalids to join in undertakings of this sort, advantages of a particular kind should be bestowed upon them, and they should be made to feel that in providing for them in this way, the country designs it as a means for aiding their families as well as themselves. Such an intention, thus plainly revealed, should, of itself, operate as a sufficient stimulus to enter into the movement. For, when all the advantages which, under good management, can be derived from associated labor are taken into account, when land is given, and numerous aids to self-support superadded, it does not seem as though men could hesitate about accepting and improving opportunities thus placed within their reach.

The system of bounty-lands has not tended practically to favor settlement. Within the past few years these grants have seldom been located by their original owners, most of whom have been in the habit of disposing of their warrants to speculators, for a trifle. Quantities of land, however large, when thus issued, are plainly valueless, as land, to their grantees, being only considered of worth as the representative of a floating value in the stock market. To throw land away in this manner is, certainly, to defeat the original purpose of the grant, which is to favor settlement upon it.

Instead of bestowing (in addition to a pension) a section of one hundred and sixty acres of land, which, at the government price of $1 25 per acre, is worth two hundred dollars, upon each invalid, and of which, if unable to hire labor, he cannot till the quarter, give him three acres per head for every member of his family actually settling with him, of tillage land, and ten of grazing land. Supposing there are five members in each family, this would give from fifteen to fifty acres, worth $18 75, or $72 50. To each family of five members let one cow be given, value $25; also, a cheap house, costing not more than $200. One large building for factory purposes would be needed. The cost of this would of course vary with circumstances, but taking the minimum side of the problem, not less than $2,000 would be required to build and stock it with tools. This estimate does not include machinery.

The following table will exhibit these propositions at a glance, calculated for a village of sixty families. Throwing out of the account the land, which costs the government nothing, and we have:

PER CONTRA.

Instead of such a village, on entering which, invalids should relinquish their pensions, let us see what the cost to the country would annually be, were the invalids simply to draw their pensions.

Supposing only one pensioner in each family, and he of the lowest grade -- then the account would stand thus:

Sixty pensioners at $96 per year, $5,760 00; which sum in less than three years would amount to the cost of establishing an invalid village.

After the expiration of three years, the country would thus save $5,760 per annum, for each sixty invalids disposed of in this way, while the rise in value of the public lands immediately adjoining these invalid villages would bring an additional return into the public treasury.

Presenting families with land, a house, a cow, some farming tools, and a factory for associated labor to exercise itself in, are advantages which should induce a very large resort on the part of invalids to this mode of supporting themselves and their families. While, on the other hand, to the country at large, it constitutes a most economical method for reducing the expenses of the Pension Bureau.

The government and direction of these villages should be under the care of the Agricultural Department. They should be managed with a due regard to the comfort and well-being of their inhabitants, as well as according to principles of economy. A local superintendent chosen from among the inhabitants themselves, and aided by proper assistants, should constitute the municipal government. But being in the nature of inchoate communities, like territories, they should be made amenable to the federal authority alone, in all questions relating to organic changes in their management. The Commissioner of Agriculture might appoint a resident agent to superintend the administration of the affairs of the community, though it would be more consonant with popular tastes to allow the inhabitants to choose a superintendent for themselves. These are matters, however, of a subordinate character, and which circumstances must be allowed to direct. When the main question of the feasibility of these communities shall have been settled, all inferior ones will follow in course.

ANNUAL DISTRIBUTION OF PROFITS.

The lands apportioned among the inhabitants of these villages being intended for their support, should not be considered as worked in common. No distribution of their profits should, therefore, be made. If they more than supply the wants of any one family, so much the better for them; if they fail to do so, then the next source of support, the factory, must be applied to. Between these two sources it seems hardly possible that any family could fail to earn something more than a mere living.

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But, the factory, being common property, should be considered the public domain of the community. Every one should have the right of working in it, subject only to the rules adopted by the majority for its management. A board of competent officers should regulate the hours, and kinds of labor. This board should keep an account of the amount of daily work performed by each person -- dispose of the commodities manufactured -- purchase whatever raw materials are necessary, and at the end of every quarter render a public account, duly audited, of the financial condition of the village. At the end of every year, a pro rata distribution of the nett earnings of the workmen should be made, according to the work performed by each. If deemed more expedient, this division of profits might be made at the end of every quarter, or six months. But, whenever made, a government agent should be present to assist in auditing the accounts, and to ascertain, so as to be able to report knowingly, the exact condition of affairs of the village.

Placed in such circumstances as these, and surrounded by his family, almost every invalid would be able to earn more than the amount of the pension relinquished by him. Certainly, he would find himself in a far more independent position, than could be the case in any other community, where he would have nothing but his pension to support him, with expenditures for house-rent, and provisions, to consume this amount twice over. Living rent free -- his little farm giving him his daily bread, and, in case of physical incapacity, his children working in the factory, to assist in the general acquisitions of the family, it can not be doubted that to Americans this field would present those inducements to labor, and those promises of self-support and honest independence, which are the most stirring incentives to human industry. With an intelligent and adventurous population like our own to operate with, the experiment is certainly worth trying.

PROPOSITION SEVENTH.

Is the Prussian Versorgungschein -- or privilege to fill vacancies occurring in subordinate government offices, on surrendering the pension already held -- practicable with us? It being understood that the incumbency shall be for life, or during good behavior.

There are hundreds of subordinate government offices which might be filled by invalids, with credit to themselves and acceptance to the country. These offices are scattered throughout the various States, and might be filled by those living at their own homes. The advantage flowing from this feature of the question can not be over estimated, since, as we have before shown, home is always the best place for invalids, and every measure taken in their behalf should, as far as possible, look towards keeping them there. In conjunction, therefore, with communities, the government might bestow offices upon the oldest and most meritorious invalids, which should be for life, or during good behavior. There seems no good reason why offices, which are now given as rewards to partizans, should not hereafter be given to those who, instead of a claim upon a political party only, have one upon the whole country. The superior right is certainly vested in this latter class, and nothing could be more honorable than to provide for invalids in this way. It is a system which has been found to work well elsewhere, not only as a means of relieving the invalid, but also of diminishing the expenses of the Pension Bureau; for, since the government must have employees in its various departments, it is far cheaper that it should accept those who, in receiving an appointment, relinquish their pensions, than to pay both employees and pensioners an annual stipend. In the one case it employs a man to whom it owes nothing, and rewards him equitably; in the other case it employs a man to whom it owes a yearly pension, but who nevertheless is willing to exchange this claim for that of a hired laborer. The whole pension is therefore clearly gained by the government under such an arrangement; and when the hundreds or thousands of offices which can thus be filled are considered, the aggregate sum that would be saved to the country, annually, becomes immense. It is not saying too much to assert, that there are 10,000 such offices within the gift of the federal authorities, and rating them at the lowest grade of pensions ($96 per annum), the aggregate sum saved reaches the amount of $960,000, or nearly a million annually.

This view of the matter certainly lends to the proposition a practical complexion, which should recommend it to the general acceptance of the country, and the few inconsequential objections which we have heard alleged against it, as, for example, that it would create an army of political proletaries, interested in the perpetuity of an administration, fall to the ground before the fact that these are life-offices, from which the invalid cannot be ousted so long as he continues competent and behaves himself well. Again, invalids, in accepting these places, are, of course, selected on account of their disability, and not because belonging to this or that political party, and it will only be an accident that they enter into such offices during the incumbency of any party with which they may, in times past, have been politically associated. But, as all these offices cannot be at once, or simultaneously filled, invalids will have to wait for vacancies, and these may not occur for years, so that political parties may entirely change ere a man's turn comes around.

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Another feature which must wholly negative this criticism, is that of the form under which the promise of office is to be made. It should not be verbal, nor dependent upon changing moods or caprices of favor -- mere spasms of sentiment -- in an appointing power, but should be fixed and immutable, an obligation transmitted from year to year, and which none could repudiate.

In the first place, the oldest invalids should have the preference given them in appointments of this kind, as well in justice to them as to their successors; for, were young men to be selected, vacancies would not, in the natural course of events, happen often enough to afford any chance to others as a class. Therefore no men under sixty should be permitted to compete for these places, and the method of appointment might be as follows: On the recommendation of the public authorities of the invalid's place of residence, certifying to his character and competency, the head of the department in which he seeks to obtain an appointment should issue a ticket to him bearing a certain number, and certifying that when the next highest number has held the office, or died, or been disposed of in any other way, the candidate holding the succeeding number should, of right, receive the place, provided, always, his competency and meritoriousness still continue -- facts which must again be certified to as before.

PROPOSITION EIGHTH.

A Soldiers' Industrial Exchange should be established in every large city, the object and purposes of which should be to furnish facilities, for such of them as may be able to work, to become acquainted with those who need their labor.

The promises of employment are always so great in large cities, and the spirit of gregariousness so constant an element in human nature, that places like these will continue to invite, beyond the country, an influx of laborers. The glut in the labor-market, which must at times necessarily ensue, will limit the chances of employment to the best and most competent workmen; in consequence of which, invalids, who may wish to remain in cities, instead of availing themselves of the various outside channels of employment which, it is hoped, will be created for them, will find it extremely difficult to obtain occupation. Under these circumstances their condition will be pitiable in the extreme, for it is certain that their pension alone cannot support them in idleness (nor, indeed, was it intended to), and the result for them will be inevitable destitution, and possibly beggary. To avoid this, the worst feature of social organization, and which soonest demoralizes mankind, and tends to sweep them into the vortex of crime, some means must be adopted for securing employment to invalids. As they do not always know who are seeking for laborers, and cannot afford to advertise their wants, many of them will undoubtedly lose opportunities of employment from the very fact of not knowing where to look for them. They may be very zealous in their search -- willing to accept almost anything, and yet not succeed in obtaining the least chance to earn a livelihood. Such are the daily experiences of life in all large cities, and such, too, the occasion of much of that poverty which, from its too frequent affiliation with crime, becomes a source of unjust reproach to so many. While this is the constitution of things, we cannot hope to radically alter the effects which flow from it. They are the legitimate results of causes lying far below the surface of things, and out of reach, therefore, of all organic reform. The only course left society is to check, as far as possible, an increase of the unemployed, and particularly of unemployed invalids, who, from their inability to change locality, and to transport their families elsewhere, are, in a great measure, tied down to particular places, where, if they cannot earn a living, they must in time draw upon the charities of the public, or ultimately drift into almshouses.

It will not, we presume, be denied that these results are in a great measure preventable by removing their original causes. Where men are starving for want of work, work must, if possible, be found for them; or, if it cannot be found, then it must be created, on the principle that the world owes every being in it a living. But in our country, with its thousand undeveloped resources, new fields of labor are constantly being opened. New railroads and canals, factories and workshops, are being constantly built. Stout arms, it is true, are wanted for most of these purposes, but alongside of the heavy labor are parallel employments requiring intelligence rather than brute force -- thinking heads instead of muscular arms. It is here that invalids may come in and subserve the thousand wants of the hour, and it behooves all to see that they are duly remembered in the call for laborers. With an industrial exchange in each city to keep the record of the wants of the labor-market, and to be in direct communication with all invalids or other soldiers seeking employment, such a system of direct and mutual assistance, both to employers and employees, could be perfected, as would render it a living source of benefaction to the industrious and labor-seeking operative. It would constitute a bureau of itself, and being everywhere under the eye of the Government, would soon acquire a preponderating influence as a reliable recommender of the best and most meritorious workmen.

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The organization and supervision of these industrial exchanges should remain in the hands of the Government, and they might be carried on at very slight expense, or even, perhaps, without any. Thus, in every large city, where there is a Pension Agency, there might be an exchange of this kind established in connection with it, and placed under the charge of an intelligent invalid. He should have the exclusive duty assigned him of superintending this department, subject only to the control of the Pension Agent, to whom he should make monthly reports of the business transacted by him. And, in order to stimulate his zeal in behalf of invalids seeking employment, he should, in lieu of a fixed salary, receive a trifling fee from each person obtaining the services of an invalid through his agency. By these means he would be induced to exert himself to the utmost of his ability, knowing that his official gains depended upon the number of invalids for whom he found employment.

At this exchange should be kept a register in which all invalids, or discharged soldiers seeking employment should enter their names, age, nationality, married or single condition, regiment in which they served, trade or profession, nature of their disability, and what they are able to do. But only those should be so registered who have been honorably discharged from the service on account of disability, and can produce certificates of good moral character. The object of the institution being to open the doors of opportunity to the industrious and virtuous -- none wanting in either of these qualities should be admitted upon its register. This course, if rigorously followed, would inspire general confidence in the honesty and efficiency of the men obtained at these agencies. They would be more sought for, on this very account, and would run less risk of wanting employment than if seeking for it at large, and without being identified with some industrial exchange. It would, therefore, be a permanent benefit both to employers and employees to establish such a bureau as this, laying aside even the predominant motive of humanity which appears in its organization. And as the public would thus directly share in the advantages afforded by it of honest and reliable workmen, while the workmen in turn would be better assured of speedy employment than if left to themselves to find it, there can be little doubt of the success and popularity of such an enterprise.

PROPOSITION NINTH.

Could not a Sedentary Corps be established from Invalids, and with which forts could be garrisoned, and all the lighter duties of military life be performed?

Since the first promulgation of this proposition in February 1863, the War Department has formed what is nominally an Invalid Corps, although not in the sense in which it is contemplated above. The present Invalid Corps is enlisted for three years only, and unless this enlistment is made renewable at the expiration of that time, the practical benefit of such a corps to disabled soldiers will be slight and at best temporary. The fact, also, that drafted men, found upon preliminary examination to be disabled for field-service, are to be placed in this corps, entirely changes its character, and renders it a mere half-way house of reception for all classes of disabled soldiers, both those who have been honorably discharged from the service, and those who have never before been in it. The proposition above is intended to apply, as do all its predecessors, to disabled soldiers, honorably discharged as such from the service and drawing pensions therefor.

An Invalid, or Sedentary Corps should, at the very outset, be a permanent organization, designed to accommodate those whose tastes or predilections cause them to prefer a military to a civil life. The enlistment might be for any length of time desirable, as for three, five, or seven years; but it should also be renewable, so that any one so electing might remain in service throughout life. Being essentially a corps of honor, every inducement should be given invalids to continue in it as long as they can possibly be serviceable. Many a man, especially if unmarried, would prefer the easy, regular duties, without exposure, of this corps, to the more active, but more feverish necessities of civil life, where the spur of competition enables the strong to distance with facility the weak and ailing. Besides which, habits of industry and self-directed occupation resulting in the perfecting of skill, when dissipated for any length of time by service in the army, are not easily nor even voluntarily re-acquired. A majority of those who have been soldiers long enough to become thoroughly saturated with the atmosphere of their profession, prefer to continue in it, especially when, recognized and honored as veterans, they are allowed the indulgence of lighter duties, and immunity from exposures of life or health. Hence, there is no reason why, under the peace establishment of our army, a majority of the troops designed for garrison duties should not be recruited in this way. It would certainly open a very wide field of employment to a class of men who, otherwise, would chafe sadly beneath the tameness and the responsibilities of civil life, and often, too, to a degree sufficient to render them only indifferently good citizens. All these considerations dictate the necessity of continuing for some time the opportunity of re-enlisting, and resuming the discipline of military life. They are better pleased and happier, and in that sense dis. charge their individual duties to society more acceptably to all.

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In entering the Sedentary Corps, and while he remains in it, the invalid should relinquish his pension, for there is neither reason nor justice in his drawing support from two government sources simultaneously. The theory of pensions is, that a man, by reason of his services to the State, has lost the ability to support himself, consequently the State, in return for this act of sacrifice, and in a true spirit of equity, grants him a life-annuity. But, so long as he can earn his living just as well after the service rendered as before, it is clear that the State owes him no support. He has, practically, lost nothing, and can not justly ask for a pension. When, therefore, an invalid enters the Sedentary Corps, and draws pay and rations as such, he furnishes thereby the best refutation of his disability to earn his own living. He becomes at once self-supporting by the act of the State itself which gave him this opportunity, and consequently he should have no right to claim a share of its pension fund.

On leaving the corps, at the expiration of his term of service, or on being discharged from it for disability, he should be allowed to resume his pension, precisely as before. If too old to work, he could then enter an asylum, or receive a place under Government, requiring only light and passive duties, or, if a married man, return to his family. It might be a good plan to use the sedentary corps exclusively in the localities where it was recruited. Thus, the forts about New York might be garrisoned by the sedentary corps recruited in that vicinity; and so with Boston, Philadelphia, etc. In this way, many invalids knowing that they would not be far removed from their families, would be induced to enter the corps, and the Government would thus save a large amount in pensions, while at the same time securing useful soldiers. In other words, instead of paying both pensioners and soldiers, it could maintain both classes under one payment.

REPORT ON CERTAIN PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO OUR PRESENT PENSION LAWS

"And he commanded to give to all that kept the city, pensions and wages." -- 1 Esdras iv. 56.

PENSIONS.

The idea symbolized by a pension is that of a reward given to the citizen by the state, in return for valuable services rendered, and serious injuries incurred in her behalf. If we start with the assumption that the state has a right to the services of all her citizens, and that it is, consequently, their duty to answer her calls whenever made (although involving loss of health or life), we shall be easily led to the conclusion that no right to a reward of any kind primarily exists. Whatever is incumbent upon us as a duty, especially to a superior, creates no obligation of reward on his part. We render to him what is justly his due, and in that sense are simply discharging an indebtedness which, created at birth, follows us throughout life. Nemopossit exuere patriam; and in that sense, though chiefly applied to cases of naturalization, by parity of reason it may be construed to mean that no one can cast himself loose from the duties which he owes his country. The duty to sacrifice all in her behalf, whenever the occasion demands it, being an obligation paramount on every citizen, he can claim no relief for the injuries received in her service, on any principle of abstract justice. In this view of the case, which we believe will be conceded to be the true one, the right to a pension is not a natural, but an institutional and positive one.

Nevertheless, it is found that the interests of the state are best subserved by modifying certain abstract rights, and imparting to them a color of equity suited to the exigencies of actual life. Thus, although the state has an abstract right to the services of the citizen, it is right that she should, in return therefor, reward him for losses sustained, on the principle that it is not her interest to make paupers of her citizens, but, on the contrary, to elevate them to the ability of independence and self-support. This being so recognized the world over, there has grown up an increasing estimate of the value of personal services rendered to the state, particularly in the field, and a corresponding disposition to affix to such services a legal reward, which shall continue not only through life, but even descend to the children of the recipient during their minority.

The origin of pensions may be considered as coeval with that of civilized society. From the earliest times it was regarded as a sacred duty on the part of the state, towards its defenders, to reward them with gratuities of money or gifts of land, or to support them at public cost in return for the services they had rendered. During even the crepuscular period of Grecian history, and before the time of Theseus, as Thucydides (7) informs us, every city or state of Attica possessed a Prytaneum, where citizens, in return for meritorious personal services to the state, were honored with the privilege of taking their meals at the public cost. And the custom of thus pensioning distinguished citizens was then considered so ancient, as to be referred back to the mythical days of Codrus.

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Augustus Caesar, with that large and liberal mind which became a patron of the arts and literature, feeling the great and lasting obligations of the State to her military population made ample provision to reward his veterans by the creation of a military treasury (serarium militare). (8) lie began by bestowing upon such as had been honorably discharged and obtained the missio honesta, a pension in money, instead of a grant of land; (9) and graduated the scale of pensions according to rank, so that all the emeriti might have a share in it. Perceiving, after some years, that soldiers were hardly compensated by the small pension they received, and that few cared to re-enlist after their term of service had expired, he thereupon increased the retiring pension, fixing it at 20,000 sesterces ($1,750 60) for pretorians), (10) and 12,000 sesterces ($860) for legionaries. This sum, it will be perceived, was large enough to support veterans without labor of any kind, and was in fact designed by the astute emperor to remove from them all necessity or incentive to return to the pursuits of civil life. His policy was to keep them as long as possible in the military service, by assuring them an entire independence after their retirement. (11) No monarch has ever emulated Augustus in this particular, nor sought, by so generous an expansion of pensions, to retain soldiers in the public service. The history of the pretorian cohorts, and the record of their mercenary character, is a sufficient commentary upon the policy of maintaining such bodies of soldiers. In the best sense of the term they were only hirelings, whom the hope of plunder and the prospect of gain held together by the cohesive ties of common dishonesty. Repeated in the character of Janizaries under the Turkish sultans, these pampered body-guards have long been discarded, as dangerous appendages to sovereignty, and serious disturbers of the stability of governments.

(9) Digest xlix., tit. xvi., leg. 13.

(10) The pretorians constituting a corps d'elite, or body-guard to the emperor, each member had the same rank as the centurions in the regular legions.

(11) Dezobry, Rome sous Auguste, vol. iv.

In the feudal ages grants of land, rather than sums of money, appear to have been bestowed in return for military services, although in some places, France in particular, convents were compelled to take in and maintain old and decrepid soldiers, they returning some nominal service for their support. In proportion, however, as commerce has increased, this style of pensioning has diminished, and special asylums have been created, for the purpose of supplementing the wants of those whose pension, being their sole means of support, was inadequate for that purpose. Hence, there have been out and inpensioners in all modern governments -- out-pensioners receiving a full gratuity for their maintenance, proportioned to their rank, and in-pensioners surrendering this gratuity on entering an asylum. By these means hundreds of thousands of men in Europe, who have become disabled in the public service, are kept from actual pauperism. And while the various governments thus provide against their suffering for the necessaries of life, they are at the same time careful not to render the pension a temptation to idleness, by affording a complete support to the recipient. He is always, when able, expected to exert himself in his own behalf, and for that purpose the incentive of a certain degree of necessity is never taken from him.

In all those governments where standing armies are the rule, the right to claim a pension is based not only on injuries received in the line of one's duty while in the service, but also, and independent of injuries, upon length of service. This acts as a stimulus to enlistments, keeps the army well supplied with volunteers, and renders the conscription necessary, in time of peace, only for the purpose of annually selecting those who have never yet discharged the debt of military service which every citizen owes to his country. This class, restricted to the youth of twenty, forms a portion alone of the whole army; from five to seven years being the term of service required. After this time, those continuing in the army are volunteers who have enlisted, and this they may repeat until they complete the time necessary to entitle them to a retiring pension. Even those in the civil service of the government are entitled, after from twenty to twenty-five years of duty, to pensions on retiring; a system which is found to secure both greater honesty and fidelity in the discharge of official duties, as well as more competency and efficiency in the officers themselves, by reason of the experience acquired in their several occupations, through the great length of time during which they have followed them.

It seems hardly necessary in this connection, to point out the advantages which must always rest with an army composed almost entirely of veteran troops. Where officers and men are habituated to the performance of their duties, time will only serve to confirm them in precision and efficiency. And should the return of a state of war compel such an army to take the field, the difference in ability to march and fight, will be all in favor of that side whose troops are confirmed in the discipline of active military life. Were this not so, the militia, or reserved force in every country, would be deemed a sufficient military power to obviate the necessity of maintaining a standing army. But precisely because veterans have always the advantage over raw levies, which latter require many months in order to pass into the category of well-disciplined soldiers, do governments generally maintain a permanent military organization, and employ, even while on a peace footing, this force as a nucleus for future armies. Once established, it is ready at the first call to break the shock of war, and may be relied upon to breast the earliest waves of invasion, holding them back until a newly raised and well-disciplined force shall in turn come to the rescue.

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In our country, there being nothing as yet deserving the name of a standing army, and few men being found who have served more than one term, pensions for length of service have not yet received any recognition as such. But with the results likely to flow from the present war, it seems more than probable that we shall have to maintain in future a standing army of considerable magnitude. This army will tend to increase with the further increase of our population and territory, and those who serve in it should be provided with sufficient inducement to re-enlist, when their original term of service has expired. In this way, and adopting the military profession as a permanent career, men may be found who, having faithfully served the State for the best portion of their active life, are certainly entitled to some gratuity on retiring. A grant of land is not sufficient reward in itself for such men. The quarter section bestowed upon them, from their little disposition to settle upon it, falls readily into the hands of speculators. Soldiers are not like merchants; they cannot afford to wait for a rise in real estate to produce a capital on which to support their old age. They must live every day, and have something to live upon. Hence, a regular annuity or pension, however small, is far better for them than the gift of a tract of land, whose ultimate and excessive value they may never live to realize. It is, therefore, the most equitable form in which they can be rewarded, and the one, too, which the wisdom even of the ancients, no less than of the moderns, has adopted throughout the civilized world. Even in the days of the Emperor Augustus, the Roman veterans (emeriti) preferred the gift of an annuity to that of a grant of land, and it was this fact more than any other, which led him to create a military treasury, although at the same time extending the time of service. This custom of rewarding length of service, having had the sanction of experience, wherever tried, it seems but just to infer will be found as applicable to our army as to any other.

It is therefore suggested that there should be such an amendment of the existing pension laws, as will provide for the exigencies of the future, on the supposition, now almost accepted as a foregone conclusion, that we shall have to maintain hereafter a large standing army. Under this aspect of things, the following propositions are submitted for the purpose of awakening public attention to the subject, while at the same time offering some suggestions as a nucleus for more extensive development.

PROPOSITION FIRST.

All non-commissioned officers and privates serving in the army for twenty-five years should be entitled to the full pension of their rank, just as if they had been honorably discharged from the service, at any time, on account of wounds or disease contracted in the line of their duty. This pension should be additional to any bounty given for enlisting, or any tract of land bestowed at the expiration of the first term of service. The gratuities to the soldier would then stand thus:

1st. Bounty for enlisting (fitted by Congress).

2d. Tract of land on being honorably discharged after the first term of service.

3d. Full pension after serving honorably for twenty-five years.

In our introductory remarks we have so fully explained the reasons foreshadowing this proposition, that nothing more need be added to it. Of course, it will be understood that a man wounded or disabled in the service, may at any time (as is now the case) be discharged and pensioned -- length of service applying only to those who have escaped casualties of this kind, and choose to continue in the army up to the period designated above, as necessary to entitle a soldier to a retiring pension. The retiring pension should, therefore, always be a full pension, and not susceptible of sub-division, by reason of serving any less number of years.

A young man, entering the army at twenty, would thus be able to retire at forty-five on a full pension, and with the prospect of twenty to twenty-five years of life before him, during which he might embark into business of any kind which his taste selected. In this way the possibility of increasing his fortune would inspire his industry to exert itself to the utmost.

PROPOSITION SECOND.

All soldiers having served honorably in this war, and who may re-enlist at its expiration, should have their time dated back to the day of their original entry into the war, so as to make the period of their first service count double.

This would serve to give them honorable distinction among all other soldiers who may begin their term of service after the war, and make them also the more willing to continue in the army, knowing that at the expiration of a certain length of time, whether disabled or not, they would receive a full pension. Hereafter the rule should be adopted, as in the European armies, that time spent in campaigns should count double. The object of this is to infuse a high spirit of zeal into an army at the outset of a war, and to make it court rather than shun the dangers and hardships of a campaign, by showing this to be the true road to promotion and honorable rewards. Such a stimulus as this would not fail to keep the ranks of any future army full of veterans, and it seems the part of wisdom to avail ourselves of it at the earliest possible moment.

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PROPOSITION THIRD.

The time spent by soldiers as prisoners of war, not under parole, but in actual confinement, shall count as follows, viz: each winter month as six months; each summer month as three months.

In almost all countries the hardships to which prisoners of war are more or less exposed, have ever been regarded as conferring upon them a claim to reward of some kind. But inasmuch as these are some of the necessary incidents of war, no positive rights accrue to them in the premises. Accepting, as they must, all the accidents to which their profession exposes them, they cannot exact any indemnity; and it is only in order to reward them for the additional sufferings thus incurred, that governments have generally consented to count the time thus spent doubly to their credit. But in the present war the degree of hardships imposed upon our captive soldiers has so far transcended anything ever before witnessed among civilized nations, as to entitle them to the largest measure of reward, in counting time of service, that can possibly be allowed; and we have accordingly suggested six to one for the winter months, and three to one for the summer, as the credit in time to be given them.

PROPOSITION FOURTH.

Whenever a specially meritorious action has been performed by a soldier or non-commissioned officer, a full pension should be granted to him in addition to his regular pay. But on afterwards completing twenty-five years in the service, or on being honorably discharged therefrom on account of wounds or disease contracted in the line of duty, no additional pension should be granted.

It has been the custom from time immemorial, to reward by marks of peculiar distinction, the soldier who performs a specially meritorious action. This has only been a recognition of the principle that the hope of a reward is the best and most enduring stimulus which can be applied to the human mind. And that in proportion as men can be assured of a direct gain, either in fame, honor or treasure, by reason of their efforts, will those efforts be made with alacrity and zeal. Among the military nations of antiquity, rewards, not only for general services to the State, but for specially meritorious actions, were recognised as an obligation due from the State to its citizens, and wherever an individual thus distinguished himself, he was forthwith elevated by public decree to a dignity which placed him on a footing with the most honored of his fellow-citizens. Thus the corona obsidionalis was presented by a beleaguered army after its liberation to the general who had relieved it; the corona civica, to the soldier who had preserved the life of a Roman citizen in battle. Both these distinctions were considered as among the highest the State could confer, and on that account their attainment was hedged about by very severe restrictions. Among the moderns, it has been usual, besides promoting the meritorious person, to superadd some form of gratuity, either in the nature of a pension, or an exemption from public burthens. In France, in particular, the creation of a Legion of Honor by the first Napoleon has always been recognised as an act of great wisdom as well as justice. There the legionaries, besides the cross, receive a pension, and the institution does not restrict its membership to military men alone, but includes all who have distinguished themselves in the cause of humanity. In this respect it stands without a rival.

The advantages conferred upon an army by such a system of rewards are incalculable. They stimulate the soldier's pride and manhood; keep him on his good behavior, develop his sentiment of nationality, and make him feel that he is a ward of the State itself, which will unfailingly honor him, according as he honors himself. This acts as an incentive to the best class of men to enter the army, where, in former times, too often, only the shipwrecked in fortune, and, worse still, in character, were found disposed to join its ranks.

Nor would it add to the probable number of pensioners, since, in times of peace, the number of opportunities to perform specially meritorious actions, must, of necessity, be limited, and besides, the soldier, when thus rewarded, has no further claim to any pension, although he should afterwards complete his twenty-five years of service, on the well-received principle that no person should enjoy two simultaneous pensions from the same source. As long as he continues in the army, the soldier has his pay and his honorable pension; on leaving it, he, of course, parts with his pay, and retains his pension: so that, as between him and the one not thus distinguished, but who receives a retiring pension, the difference is only in time. Both, after twenty-five years, receive a similar pension, only that the honorable pensioner has had his in advance, and superadded to his pay, while the other has had to wait twenty-five years before receiving his. We can but think this as wise and just a method of rewarding meritorious actions in the army, as the circumstances of our institutions will permit.

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PKOPOSITION FIFTH.

Officers remaining in the service twenty-five years should be allowed to retire on a pension equal to one-third their original pay, and for each additional five years of service, up to thirty-five, one-sixth more should be added, so as to enable it to reach, but never exceed, one-half their original pay.

Some greater inducement than the actual pay of their rank, or the promotion likely to befall them, should be presented to officers who remain in the service. Under the old regime it was rare to find an officer selecting the army as a career for life. A majority of the graduates of West Point have, generally, after a few years, resigned their commissions, and this, not so much from actual disrelish of military life, as from the enforced inactivity to which it doomed them. The monotony of garrison life -- the tardiness of promotion, and the dead uniformity of existence thus presented to the minds of ambitious young men, early led them to seek for spheres of more active employment. These they found in the varying pursuits of civil life, where, in scores of ways, they acquired fame and a competency.

This evil to the best interests of an army has been noticed in other countries as well as our own, and in order to control it to some extent, there have been created retiring pensions, founded upon length of service, and independent of all invalidism from either wounds or disease. This period, in general, has been extended to thirty years of actual service, but for reasons which will readily occur to all, and considering the difference in constitution also, we have suggested twenty-five years as long enough for officers serving in our armies. After that time, if the officer elects to remain, nothing prevents him, while a small prospective increase in his pension still acts as an incentive to his zeal and stimulates his hope; but having already served twenty-five years, and given his best days to the public, he has certainly earned his retiring pension, and should be allowed to return to civil life, where, with some remaining vigor, he may be able to engage in any pursuits that offer themselves to his tastes and inclination. In this way we should always have a corps of veteran officers, both seniors and subalterns, to command our armies, a feature that would insure both economy and good discipline in their government.

PROPOSITION SIXTH.

Loss of rank by judgment of a Court Martial should entail loss of its corresponding Pension, except where the party has already completed twenty-five years of service, when the judgment should only operate as a bar to any future increase of pension.

PROPOSITION SEVENTH.

Whenever an officer shall be suspended by judgment of Court Martial, from all command and pay appropriate to his rank, the time thus spent by him shall be deducted from the sum total of the period of service entitling him to a retiring pension.

It seems only a just result of the penalty thus incurred by an officer, that the time spent by him in disgrace should be blotted out of the record of his military career; and certainly this time, marking, as it does, a period of dishonor, ought not to be included in the honorable period by which he wins his way to a meritorious retirement and pension. Without making him begin his service de novo, it simply eliminates from the sum total a period when, according to the judgment of his peers, he was no longer deemed worthy to discharge his active official functions.

PROPOSITION EIGHTH.

Pensioners should cease to draw their pensions whenever they obtain a life office in the public service with pay equivalent to the pension.

Little argument is required to show the justice of this proposition. The rule that no man should draw two pensions from the same source, and for the same service, is very generally recognized as a just one. For, although it might be said that one was in fact a salary, yet the consideration moving to the appointment of a pensioner to a life office, when some one else could answer as well, would plainly reveal itself as a compensation to him for inadequacy of reward. Were the salary precisely equal to the pension, unless some perquisites were superadded, it is probable that most pensioners would not care to make the exchange; but when the salary transcends by far the original pension, it becomes in fact an amplified pension, and in that sense should extinguish the minor gratuity altogether. The difficulty might be to insure the office for life to the pensioner, but, and as we have shown in our previous report, whenever a pensioner accepts an appointment to a public office, which practically equals in emolument his original pension, that office should belong to him for life or during good behavior, and in return he should relinquish his pension.

PROPOSITION NINTH.

There should be a scale of physical disabilities included among the instructions issued to examining surgeons for pensions, by means of which they could definitely classify pensioners.

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In all the leading governments of Europe, physical disabilities are tabulated for the purpose of better classifying pensioners. Inasmuch as there are degrees in disability, and rates of pension primarily depend upon these, it has been deemed a simple act of justice to the invalid to fix, by law, some definite scale whereby his disability could be classified, and his rate of reward apportioned accordingly. But for this, each examining surgeon might form his own opinion of the disability under which the invalid should be rated, some making it higher, some lower, so that throughout a whole country no similarity in classification would exist, each surgeon acting according to his own fancy in the matter. The consequence would be, that the Pension Bureau would very often have upon its lists men laboring under similar disabilities, yet differently classified and drawing different rates of pension, from the fact that one surgeon had rated at one-half, or two-thirds disability, the same infirmity which another had considered as total disability. It is undoubtedly true that diseases produce different consequences upon their subjects, and that all men are not similarly affected by them, yet wherever the integrity of any organ has been compromised, and however long it may have required to produce this change, we have no general law authorizing us to believe that its lesion will slumber benignly, as it may appear to us by one examination, but rather that it will increase, and continue acquirere vires eundo until life itself is threatened. For this reason, among others, it is possible to frame a scale of disabilities sufficiently precise to cover the prognosis as well as the diagnosis of an infirmity. We may say that such or such disabilities being probably incurable, shall constitute a particular class, and should the pensioner afterwards recover, the biennial examination can easily test this, and if proved, eliminate him from the list of the disabled, or place him in a lower class.

Another reason calling for the establishment of a graduated scale of disabilities in our country, is found in the fact, that surgeons are now tempted to exaggerate their estimates of the consequences of disabilities, by the greater number of pension applicants which are thus invited to their doors, and the increased income derived from their examination fees. A surgeon who believes in nothing short of total disability, and can see no degrees below this, will of course be selected and of preference by invalids, to examine their infirmities; while his colleague, who practises upon a more just and scientific estimate of the moral and physical laws governing mankind, and believes in degreees of moral turpitude as well as of physical impairment, will be studiously avoided. These consequences have been observed already in many places, and are inaugurating a system of deceit and successful fraud, which, not even the unfortunate condition of those in whose behalf it is practised, can justify. Besides this, high-toned and scientific men will be driven away by such practises from the ranks of examining surgeons, and this important field of observation be surrendered to the low-minded and unfaithful, alone.

Again, a scale of disabilities is called for, because it does not seem right to put upon the surgeon the responsibility of determining and deciding what rate of pension the invalid should have. Strictly speaking, he has no business with that consequence of his otherwise physical exploration of the applicant. The law alone should regulate this. Since, where it is so largely optional with the surgeon, as at present, the tendency is always to lean towards the granting of the largest rate. All these disadvantages, which have manifested themselves fully in the Old World, and led to the establishment of a fixed scale of disabilities, in most countries, warn us that the time is now at hand when such should be done here likewise. Every day the list of pensioners is increasing, and we owe it to all to see that no injustice is done any, but that each one, according to his degree of disability, shall take his proper place in the ranks, neither usurping others' rights, nor having his own usurped. (12)

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Instructions issued by our Pension Bureau to Examining Surgeons.

"In estimating the degree of disability from wounds, you will rate the loss of a limb, or of a hand or a foot, as total. The loss of one eye, the sight of the other being unimpaired, may be reckoned as one-half disability. Injuries causing great and incurable deformities, though not directly disqualifying for manual labor, should be regarded as tending to exclude the applicant from obtaining employment, and liberally estimated. In cases of disease, more specific directions can not be given as to the rate, but each case must be left to the judgment of the medical examiner. The former occupation of the applicant is not to be taken as the basis for reckoning the degree. Any cause, other than that alleged operating to increase the disability, should be noted, but not taken into account in this estimate.'' SCALE OF DISABILITIES BY WHICH TO CLASSIFY INVALID PENSIONERS. (13)

UNITED STATES ARMY.

Disabilities sufficient to entitle a party to a pension for services rendered, either in the army or navy, are divided into five classes, viz:

I. INFIRMITIES TO BE RATED AS TOTAL DISABILITY.

1. Great injuries of the skull, occasioning decided impairment of the intellectual faculties; severe and constant headache, epilepsy, or other manifest nervous or spasmodic symptoms.

2. Total loss of sight.

3. Complete deafness.

4. Loss of tongue.

5. Loss of an arm, hand, leg, or foot.

6. Loss of the thumb and index finger of either hand.

7. Complete anchylosis or irreducible dislocation of either the shoulder, elbow, wrist, hip, knee, or ankle joints.

8. Paralysis, general, or of one limb.

9. Muscular or cutaneous contractions from wounds, or burns, in degree sufficient to prevent useful motion of a limb.

10. Hernia, irreducible, double inguinal or femoral.

11. Artificial anus.

12. Incurable incontinence of urine.

II. INFIRMITIES TO BE BATED AS "TWO-THIRD DISABILITY."

1. Total loss of the right thumb.

2. Total loss of both great toes.

III. INFIRMITIES TO BE KATED AS "ONE-HALF DISABILITY."

1. Loss of sight of one eye.

2. Loss of nose.

3. Loss of three fingers of same hand.

4. Inguinal hernia, reducible.

5. Total loss of left thumb.

IV. INFIRMITIES TO BE RATED AS "ONE-THIRD DISABILITY."

1. Permanent contraction or anchylosis of two or more fingers of one hand.

2. Loss of either index finger.

V. INFIRMITIES TO BE RATED AS "ONE-FOURTH DISABILITY."

1. Loss of one great toe.

2. Loss of any three toes.

3. Loss of ungual phalanx of right thumb.

FRANCE.

TABLE OF ORGANIC LESIONS, DESIGNED AS A SCALE TO MEASURE PHYSICAL DISABILITIES, AND TO CLASSIFY MILITARY INVALIDS.

The French law divides military invalids into six classes, viz:

The following is the Table of Infirmities as classified under Articles 12, 14, 17, Section II., Title II. of the Act of April 13, 1841:

1. -- Deep-seated, adherent cicatrices, following loss of substance of the scalp or skull.

2, -- Loss of substance of any of the bones of the skull, arising from trephining, consequent upon fractures, etc., or the introduction of foreign substances into its cavity.

3. -- Burns of the face followed by bridled scars, changing the relation of organs, and to a certain extent altering their functions.

4. -- Hemiplegia occasioned by wounds, or consequent upon apoplexy.

5. -- Paraplegia, with or without paralysis of the bladder or rectum, occasioned by a fall upon the loins, the nates, or some lesion of the vertebral column and medulla spinalis.

6. -- Paraplegia, consequent upon myelitis, or other alterations of the cerebro-spinal system.

7. -- Epilepsy, chorea, mania, or other alterations in cerebral functions, occasioned by blows, falls, or violent concussions of the nervous system.

8. -- Idiopathic epilepsy, mania, chorea, hypochondria, and periodic vertigo, resulting from wounds; facial neuralgia, traumatic tic-douloureux, or tremor of limbs.

9. -- Perforation of the arch of the palate, destruction of the velum palati, resulting from wounds, and sensibly impairing speech.

10. -- Incurable deformity of either jaw, consequent upon loss of substance; necrosis, or any other accident preventing mastication and freedom of speech.

11. -- Salivary fistulas, with escape of saliva, resulting from lesions of the face, and deemed incurable.

12. -- Disorganization of the ball of the eye, whether idiopathic or consecutive to loss of sight of either eye.

13. -- Gradual impairment of sight resulting from amaurosis or cataract, simple or double, and well established.

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14. -- Total loss of one eye, or loss of its sight resulting from wounds. Inveterate or chronic ophthalmia of both eyes, with ulceration of lids, opacities of the cornea, staphyloma of this membrane, the sclerotic, or the iris.

15. -- Diseases of the lachrymal passages.

16. -- Loss of the external pavilion of the ear, or obliteration of one of the auditory ducts, perforation of the tympanum, with complete deafness of one ear.

17. -- Deafness of both ears, with rupture of their tympana, or caries of the small bones. Wounds of the head, followed by lesion and loss of substance of the bones of the skull.

18. -- Total loss of the nose, or its accidental deformity to such a degree as to hinder respiration or pronunciation.

19. -- Disease of the maxillary sinus.

20. -- Fistulas opening into any portion of the nasal duct, incurable, with loss of voice, and wasting.

21. -- Laryngeal or pulmonary phthisis. Haemoptysis.

22. -- Organic and chronic cardiac lesions, hypertrophy, or aneurism resulting from the vicissitudes of military service.

23. -- Caries of the ribs or sternum.

24. -- Organic lesions of the stomach.

25, -- Chronic hypertrophy of liver, resulting from climatic influences, excessive fatigue, exposure, etc.

26. -- Chronic hypertrophy of spleen, with digestive trouble and tendency to marasmus.

27. -- Symptomatic dropsy, resulting from organic disease of the abdominal viscera, or hydrothorax.

28. -- Chronic hemorrhoidal haemorrhage, arising from fatigues, with habitual indisposition, rebellious to all treatment.

29. -- Incurable obliteration of rectum, with obstruction to defecation, resulting from wounds near the margin of the anus.

30. -- Artificial anus, resulting from wounds.

31. -- -Ventral hernia, resulting from wounds.

32. -- Crural or inguinal hernia, when irreducible -- double hernias which cannot be reduced without manifest danger, owing to their volume and adhesions.

33. -- Large and multiple varices of the lower limbs, and scrotum, resulting from fatigues, especially when they have repeatedly burst.

34. -- Calculus, resulting from the 'introduction of a foreign body into the bladder.

35. -- Incontinence, or retention of urine, resulting from physical injuries to the bladder or urethra, received in the service.

36. -- Frequent and habitual hematuria, resulting from the fatigues of war.

37. -- Loss of the penis from wounds. Loss of the two testicles. Total loss of the genitals from wounds.

38. -- Old hydrocele, rebellious to treatment, especially in the aged.

39. -- Ilydrosarcocele, resulting from wounds. 40. -- Urinary fistulas, resulting from wounds.

41. -- Inveterate herpetic affections, which arc rebellious to treatment.

42. -- Chronic arthritic and rheumatic affections, with swelling of joints and impairment of muscular activity, resulting from exposures in the service.

43. -- Deformity of the vertebral column, with impairment of the motions of the trunk, arising from the incomplete luxation of one of the cervical or lumbar vertebrae.

44. -- Irreducible luxation of the shoulder, or complete anchylosis of the scapulo-humeral articulation.

45. -- Irreducible luxation, or complete anchylosis of the humero-cubital articulation, with extensive or permanent flexion of the fore-arm. Irreducible luxation, or anchylosis of the carpus.

46. -- Incurable and complete luxation of the thigh, or anchylosis of the coxo-femoral articulation.

47. -- Luxation of the knee, with extension or flexion of the leg.

48. -- Consecutive or spontaneous luxation of the femur.

49. -- Anchylosis (partial or complete) of the foot, with or without deformity.

50. -- Compound fractures of either the lower or the upper limbs, entailing permanent deformity.

51. -- False articulation in any portion of the fractured limbs.

52. -- Loss of either two fingers or toes, with impeded motion of the hand or foot.

53. -- Loss of the thumb, with or without loss of the first phalanx.

54. -- Permanent flexion or extension of several fingers, or of all.

55. -- Total loss of toes from congelation, or crushing, or any cause arising during military service.

56. -- Retraction of limbs, resulting from adherent and deepseated cicatrices, when incurable.

57. -- Incomplete atrophy of a limb (arm) from wounds. Incomplete atrophy of a limb (leg) from wounds.

58. -- Loss of substance following lacerated wound, and not only altering the form, but destroying the organization of parts.

59. -- Deep-seated caries, produced and maintained by the presence of a projectile or foreign body driven by it into the parts.

60. -- Cold abscesses, caused by disease of the bones.

61. -- Aneurisms affecting the principal arteries in either the upper or lower limbs.

PRUSSIA.

Prussia is, perhaps, the most completely military of all the continental nations, and in that sense furnishes a good parallel for comparison with France. It is safe to assert that every able-bodied man has, at some period of his life, been in the active service of the State, while all beyond the age for field service are still inscribed upon the rolls of the Landwehr, and included within some of its classes, up to sixty years. Personal service to the State being thus exacted from every citizen, whatever his rank or degree in society, there follows a prestige to the military class which enables it to claim large gratuities from the pension fund. And inasmuch as officers' salaries are extremely small, proportionally to those of contiguous countries, some return seems to have been made to them, in the larger pensions granted pro rata, as compared with other armies, and the privates of their own. How far caste-privilege has infected the legislation of this subject, it is impossible to say. There is negative evidence that it has weighed in the allotment of pensions, since, on no other supposition, can we account for the great disparity in their amount when compared with France, or the most striking minimum of support accorded to soldiers in distinction from officers. Frederick the Great's famous saying, that "We must take care of our old friends, the old soldiers," does not appear to have been literally followed by his successors. The pittance given the crippled or blind Prussian soldier, amounting in the maximum to eighty-four thalers, or about sixty dollars and forty-eight cents per annum, is not sufficient to support him out of an asylum, and he becomes almost, if not quite, a pauper, being driven to ask assistance from the parish in which he resides. That this is unjust to the soldier admits of no doubt; and the question that naturally arises, is that of the cause which has produced this neglect of his interests. If it be not the result of caste-prerogative favoring the officer, to what else can it be due? By referring to the pension funds of France and Prussia, we find that while in the former officers constitute one-fifth of the whole number of pensioners, they receive only 15.33 of the fund, while in the latter country, where they constitute but one-sixth of the whole number, they receive 25.30 of the fund. Here are two great military powers, side by side, acknowledging their gratitude for personal services rendered by citizens, the one by an extreme minimum of gratuity to soldiers, and a large benefice to officers, or basing it upon rank alone, the other making a more nearly equal distribution of its rewards according to rank and merit combined.

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By examining in detail the elaborate report of Hon. Theodore S. Fay, our minister at Berlin, together with Mr. Perkins's summary, and the tabulated scale of French pensions, with its accompanying summary, from the same gentleman, (14) we shall be better able to understand the comparative merits of the systems of both countries, and to perceive that so far as Prussia is concerned, there is nothing in her pension legislation which we can with safety imitate.

INSTRUCTIONS FOE MILITARY SURGEONS IN RELATION TO THE DISABILITY OF SOLDIERS IN THE FIELD, OR DISCHARGED, WHO ARE ENTITLED TO A PENSION. (15)

35. -- On the determination of effectiveness and non-effectiveness in soldiers.

Soldiers in service who become unfit for active duty, in consequence of wounds or bodily infirmities, are divided into two classes, viz:

a. Such as are entitled to pensions.

b. Such as are not entitled to pensions.

In judging of those not entitled to a pension, it must be considered whether the wound or infirmity disabling them, is permanent or transitory, in which latter case they are to be considered as only temporarily unfit. In case of permanent disability, however, the man may be unfit only for field service, or at the same time for garrison duty, i. e., for any service. All persons who are exempt in consequence of disability, without having served at all, are obliged to report to the recruiting commissioner of their place of residence for final decision, and must be pronounced by the examining military surgeons as being only temporarily unfit.

Invalids entitled to a pension are distributed into two classes, viz:

a. Half-invalids, unfit for field service, but fit for garrison duty.

b. Invalids unfit for any service.

36. -- Medical examination of invalids.

The medical examination of soldiers, in active service, who, after a time, either report themselves invalid or are considered as such by the proper authorities, must be made according to the general rules of 35. But not all the infirmities which exempt from the service are to be looked upon as reasons for ineffectiveness in a man already in the service. There is an important difference between those two points, and the surgeon cannot be too careful in pronouncing a soldier invalid, since the army thereby suffers a loss in discharging a disciplined man which cannot be easily repaired by substituting a raw recruit in his stead, and besides, the discharged man acquires a claim to a pension. Soldiers afflicted with simple inguinal or femoral hernia must, therefore, not be pronounced totally unfit, if the hernia can be supported by a truss and occasions no trouble; nor must men who have contracted, while in the service, such infirmities as would exempt a person from the draft, be considered as totally unfit under any circumstances. Hence the surgeon must distinguish whether, and to what degree, the soldier is unfit for service in consequence of his infirmity, and in the first case, whether he is only unfit for field service (half-invalid) or even for the easier garrison duty (totally or fully invalid), neither decision to be given but after a careful examination, or treatment of internal diseases, sufficient to demonstrate the invalidity beyond doubt.

37. -- Of diseases of invalidity, and of diseases and infirmities causing half-invalidity.

The surgeon will need to employ all his skill in this particular form of investigation, since the same cause, manifesting itself in different degrees, may occasion either full, or half-invalidity.

BODILY INFIRMITIES CONSTITUTING HALF-INVALIDITY.

1. Loss of substance of the bones of the skull in consequence of wounds, providing the wearing of the head-dress occasions no distress.

2. Amblyopia of a slight degree, consequent upon nervous affections, opacities of the cornea (maculae) or other organic changes.

3. Amaurosis of left eye, the right being perfectly healthy.

4. Progressing deafness.

5. Loss of front teeth.

6. Advanced bronchocele.

7. The highest degree of bronchocele, the gland being much enlarged, without injury to respiration.

8. Varicocele which is troublesome, when no suspensory bandage is worn.

9. Small hydrocele, the patient refusing to submit to an operation, or the latter being impossible for other reasons.

10. Slight swelling, or induration of testis.

11. Chronic affections of the lungs, weakness and irritation in consequence of acute diseases, chronic catarrh of lungs or trachea, chronic hoarseness.

12. Slight asthma.

13. Chronic diseases of the bowels, with habitual indigestion and cramps.

14. Piles, painful swellings around the anus, haemorrhoids of the bladder.

15. Chronic muscular rheumatism.

16. Weakness of joints after wounds and luxations.

17. Weakness of limbs after fractures, with recurrent pains upon changes of weather.

18. Chronic varices, without pain.

19. Cicatrices of ulcers of the feet when they break easily in walking. Also, shortening of a leg after fracture, which can be remedied by mechanical means.

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38. -- Concerning the ability of invalds to earn thier -sic- own living.

The surgeon must also state his opinion of the ability of tho full invalid to support himself.

There are four classes of full invalids entitled to a pension. a. Such as are not prevented from earning a living. b. Such as are partially unfit for self-support. C. Such as are pretty nearly unfit. d. Such as are entirely unfit.

The last class embraces those who are suffering from serious eye-diseases, impairing vision; from deafness, dumbness, mental diseases, epilepsy, paralysis, or total loss of limbs, offensive ulcers of face, diseases of important internal organs, and all others suffering from diseases which render labor impossible.

In relation to the other classes, the surgeon must distinctly state his reasons for one, or the other opinion expressed.

How far these men are still fit for civil offices does not concern the surgeon.

Among young men, disabled in the beginning of their service by wounds, military ophthalmia, diseases of the lungs, etc., the surgeon must also give his opinion of the prognosis of the case.

39. -- Whenever discharged soldiers claim a pension, and are sent to the surgeon for examination, he need not certify to their ineffectiveness, but must state the degree of their invalidity, only full invalids having a right to such claim. Special care must be taken in such cases with regard to the causes of the invalidity, and to the ability for self-support. If the invalid can not prove the cause of his invalidity in a proper way, the surgeon must give his opinion as to what extent the man may be believed.

As to direct injuries received in the service, it must be stated that only such as are caused by explosions of powder, burns while firing cannon, bursting of guns, injuries in drilling, falling with a horse, or from the walls of a fortress while going the rounds, are to be considered as belonging to that class. The remote effects of colds, fatigue on the march, and other unavoidable hardships, are only to be looked upon as consequences of the service, and not as immediate injuries. Injuries caused by the carelessness of the man himself do not give any claim to a pension. The surgeon has further to consider only those injuries received in the service, which are clearly proved to him to be such. If this can not be done, he must state how far it is probable.

With reference to military ophthalmia, it is difficult, and even impossible to state whether such disease was really of a contagious nature, because the usual consequences, opacity of cornea, staphyloma, etc., are after a long time often found, without the characteristic signs of the principal malady. To facilitate this examination, and to prevent mistakes, we will state that the contagious nature of a disease is probable if the invalid was among such troops as are suffering from it, if frequent relapses have occurred, and particularly, if beside the above named symptoms the state of the conjunctiva itself, swellings, granulations, etc., show it. The surgeon must state which of these circumstances lead him to these conclusions.

If veterans without wounds or other injuries are presented for examination, the surgeon must use his own judgment in determining the possibility of the accident upon which the man bases his claim.

42. -- Medical Certificates for Soldiers.

The certificates of unfitness for service, or invalidity (with the name of the authority that asks for it), must be brief and exact -- state the degree of invalidity, and its causes, so far as they are known to the surgeon, remembering particularly whether such invalidity was brought on by wounds, immediate injuries in the service, or simple consequence of the service, or not at all in connection with it.

43. -- Concerning the use of the

Whether the surgeon shall use the expression "unfit for service," or "invalid," depends on the fact whether the proper authorities intend to count him among the invalids or not. In this case, the expression "half-invalid," or "full-invalid," must be used; if not, and there is no claim for pension, "unfit for service," "temporarily unfit,' "unfit for field-service, but fit for garrison duty," or finally, "totally unfit," are the expressions.

The certificates for full invalids must also contain the opinion of the surgeon as to how far the man is able to support himself. To facilitate all this, the soldier must be furnished, by the authority asking for the examination, with a paper stating whether he claims a pension or not.

44. -- When giving such certificates to any persons subject to the draft, or soldiers in active service, the surgeon need only occupy himself with the physical condition of the man. Everything outside of this medical sphere is to be disregarded. Nor is he, either, expected to express his opinion as to the best way of supporting the invalid. The surgeon must found his opinion alone on the result of the physical examination of the soldier -- must give his certificate with the greatest regard to duty, and mindful of his responsibility under his official oath, and must also give all such testimony touching the ineffectiveness, or invalidity, under oath. Every mistake, arising from carelessness or intention, will be punished, according to law.

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45. -- Supervision of Medical Certificates by the Surgeon-General of an Army Corps.

Every certificate must be laid before the Surgeon-General of an army corps, by the chief of its staff, for final inspection.

RUSSIA.

Invalid pensioners are divided into three classes according to their injuries and disabilities.

To the first class belong those, who, in consequence of loss of two or more limbs, paralysis of limbs, or disease of mind or body, are unfitted for any business, and require the constant assistance of another person. The injuries for which persons shall be assigned to this class are the following, viz:

1st. Entire loss of sight, from whatever cause arising.

2d. All injuries of the head or spine giving rise to incurable diseases.

3d. Deaf-dumbness resulting from any traumatic lesion.

4th. Injuries of the upper jaw, with extensive loss of bony and fleshy parts; or of the bones of the nose or palate, occasioning an impediment to mastication, swallowing, or speech.

5th. Incurable contractions, or anchylosis of the large articulations.

6th. Loss or complete paralysis of two legs from the above cause.

7th. Loss or complete paralysis of one arm and leg from the same cause.

8th. Artificial anus, stercoral fistulas.

9th. Loss or complete paralysis of all the fingers, or loss of five fingers, including the thumb and index-finger of each hand.

To the second class belong those who have lost one of the large limbs, or who have lost its use through paralysis; also, those who, in consequence of wounds, are either deformed or disfigured; or in consequence of serious injuries of either internal or external organs have contracted incurable diseases.

Injuries for which persons shall be assigned to the second class are the following, viz:

1st. Penetrating wounds of the head, neck, chest, or abdomen; also, the same description of wounds received in the upper part of the face, although they may have left no serious consequences.

2d. Injuries of the head, involving either fracture of the skull, fissure and contra-fissure, or diastasis of sutures.

3d. Loss of sight of one eye, accompanied by disease not destroying the sight of the other.

4th. Deafness arising from traumatic lesion.

5th. Injuries of the upper jaw involving the bones and cartilage of the nose.

6th. Ozsena, resulting from injuries to the forehead or jaws; also, any injury to the nose, accompanied by putrid sores with constant discharge of foetid matter.

7th. Injury of lower jaw, with extensive loss of bony and fleshy parts, impeding mastication and speech.

8th. Injury of lower or upper jaw, with loss of bony substance, accompanied by disfigurement.

9th. Injury of neck, accompanied by stiffness and inability to turn the head.

10th. Injury of pharynx or oesophagus, producing dysphagia by oesophageal stricture or paralysis.

11th. Injury of larynx or trachea, occasioning aphonia, tracheal fistula, or laryngeal or tracheal phthisis.

I2th. Injury of the chest, with fracture of sternum and ribs, though recovered from without leaving any serious consequences.

13th. All injuries of the chest, producing frequent hsemoptyses, asthma, hydrothorax, chronic bronchitis, phthisis pulmonalis, aneurisms, palpitation -- indicating dilatation of the heart -- angina pectoris.

14th. Loss of one arm, or its paralysis produced by muscucular contractions.

15th. Injury of right hand accompanied by paralysis; also loss of all fingers, or any three of the right hand.

16th. Loss or paralysis of first finger of each hand produced by the same cause.

17th. Loss of six fingers, excluding the loss of thumb and first finger of each hand.

18th. Injuries of the abdomen producing ascites; induration of deep-seated organs, or phthisis; atrophy, marasmus, slow nervous fever, aneurism, irreducible hernias.

19th. Incontinence of urine.

20th. Fistulas, whether simple or not, opening into the cavity of the urethra.

21st. Incurable anal fistulas.

22d. Fistulas opening into the cavity of organs, or of large articulations, and arising from caries in progress.

23d. Extensive loss of substance of limbs, accompanied by obstruction of their use, or wasting.

24th. Frequent opening of wounds (necrosis, caries.)

25th. Extensive deformity of chest or back, or incurable deviation of body to either side.

26th. Incurable curvature of the body.

27th. False articulations.

28th. Shortening of one limb, accompanied by lameness.

29th. Loss of one leg, or its paralysis, produced by muscular contractions.

30th. Loss of all the toes resulting from injuries to the feet.

31st. Suppurative fever, atrophy and consumption induced by wounds.

32d. Loss of one-third of the tongue, accompanied by difficulty in swallowing and speaking.

33d. Incurable sores on the cheeks, tongue, palate and tonsils, accompanied by impairment of the natural functions of these parts.

34th. Injury of left hand, accompanied by muscular contraction of the fingers, or their paralysis.

35th. Loss of all, or only four fingers of left hand.

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36th. Injury of ankle, accompanied by partial anchylosis with lameness.

37th. Injury of foot, with loss of os calcis, accompanied by lameness, or incapacity to stand on it.

38th. Loss of penis, with loss of power to urinate; or loss of penis with testicles; or loss of penis accompanied by an incurable disease of the testicles.

To the third class belong those who, in consequence of serious injury of any important part of the body, are, evidently, much inconvenienced in the use of that part, and also those who, in consequence of wounds, have become invalided.

Injuries for which persons shall be assigned to the third class, are the following, viz:

1st. Injuries of the head, preventing the wearing of the head-dress.

2d. Exfoliation of the external table of the skull, or extensive loss of its substance in any part, from wounds or trephining.

3rd Purulent ophthalmia, with granulations.

4th. Loss of sight of one eye.

5th. Impairment of sight, produced by any incurable disease of the eyes.

6th. Lagophthalmia, blepharoptosis, ectropion, entropion, coloboma.

7th. Fistula Lachrymalis.

8th. Epiphora.

9th. Loss of nose.

10th. Loss of ears.

11th. Loss of one ear, accompanied by loss of hearing.

12th. Chronic purulent otorrhoea, accompanied by weakness of hearing, or its loss.

13th. Injury of lips, accompanied by extensive disfiguration, or injury of lips with loss of several teeth.

14th. Incurable salivary fistula.

15th. Small, incurable fistula, wherever situated.

16th. Shortening of arm, produced by loss of portion of bones, or fractures.

17th. Loss, or paralysis of the first finger of the right hand.

18th. Loss, or paralysis of three fingers of left hand.

19th. Injury of foot, accompanied by paralysis of toes.

20th. Loss of toes of one foot.