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New England Chattels; Or, Life In The Northern Poor-house

Creator: Samuel H. Elliot (author)
Date: 1858
Publisher: H. Dayton, New York
Source: Available at selected libraries
Figures From This Artifact: Figure 2  Figure 3  Figure 4  Figure 5  Figure 6  Figure 7

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2867  

I institute no comparison with slavery though I say this. It is not my object. Draw your own inferences. I have not time, nor is this the place to give you the whole history of slavery -- American slavery -- that great mother of abominations and cruelties in this our glorious land, in this free Republic, in this age of learning, refinement and religion. Let slavery be as it may, let the poor whites at the South be as they are, an abused, down-trodden people -- still shall we in our free towns at the North, in our noble New England, be guilty of the meanness and cruelty of supporting this old past century pauper system with its crushing evils on the unfortunate? Will we tolerate the cruelties and sins of the system, and excuse them by saying, 'the laws are good, well framed, and cover the whole ground;' or even by pointing to the greater cruelties, and more abominable wickedness of Southern slavery? Will we be guilty of disfranchising a fellow-citizen, and selling him here in town-meeting before the ministers of our religion, in the sight of our best men, professedly Christian men, members of the churches in the town, the husbands and brothers of our pious and amiable ladies, our Christian mothers and sisters -- in fact every man, who by law can do so, voting him no longer a free citizen, or worthy of his personal privileges, -- will he do this simply because he is poor, and his necessity compels him to ask and to receive the charity of his fellow-men? Is this humane? Is this Christian treatment? Is it just? Will not the great Avenger of wrongs number against us this injustice?

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Let us not hide ourselves under the specious cry, 'The laws are good; -- 'they expressly "say so and so,"' when we know that the laws give us directly the power, give every town the power, to support the poor just as we please, and deny the privilege of any effectual complaining on their part -- when we know that the towns will use their power not to secure the very best possible treatment and comfort of the paupers, but to save themselves, as far as they possibly can, from the taxes that must be laid to pay the bill!

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Here is the ground of all the difficulty. Here it is -- Let the laws be as high and pure as heaven, if you entrust their execution to 'Mammon,' he will nullify all their benevolent reservations and outlines. Yes, you must away with this opportunity of extreme selfishness, or, as our nature is, your laws will do little, if any good, the case.

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Now we desire a remedy -- a complete modification of the system. We have the power by the law to keep the poor as we choose. So that our slavery is not Southern slavery; but it is heartless, mercenary, voluntary in the highest sense. We may, we do discuss the question. We may, we can, we shall, I trust, change the mode and liberate these paupers from their present debasement. Hence the value, the true elevation of our freedom of speech and of action at the North.

2871  

I go for their entire elevation, reform, and civil relief. I am opposed to their disfranchisement. I would give them their liberty to vote, if of sound mind like other men, to serve as jurymen, if wanted, to marry if they choose, to have a positive influence in the disposition of their children; and above all things, save them from the block of the auctioneer!

2872  

To do these things aright, they should be supported on an entirely different plan from what we now have. I am in favor of so arranging matters in relation to them, that every pauper may have an opportunity to earn money for himself, as a free man, his earnings being set down to his credit, and from this deducting his expenses; and so in the town-house, as in the great outside house of the world, supplying man with motive and encouragement to personal exertion. Give him useful and appropriate employment and a home. (35) Why not give him this encouragement? Is it not far preferable to the rule that now crowds him down quick to the grave? I say we desire a remedy. It is simple duty which the town owes to itself. Let us not be proud of modernizing and ornamenting our cemetery where the sleeping dead repose, while we are guilty of sustaining such an institution, so perfectly unhallowed and accursed as our corrupt and inhuman poor-house institution, where the living citizens of the town are driven in their old age, sickness and poverty, for support. Why not truly support and comfort them? And echo in her faithfulness answers, 'Why not?' But selfishness yells out her infernal response, 'It is expensive, and I can't afford it.' Away with this refuge of lies. Let us be true to ourselves and just to humanity. Let not the reproach any longer rest on us that we are faithless, and deserving each in his own turn, in himself, his children or children's children, the same bitter shame and experience that has now to be expiated by that unfortunate citizen of this town, of late worth his hundreds of thousands, and now so poor that there are none to do him reverence.


(35) See Appendix F. & G.

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